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Wolford v. Lopez

2026-06-25

Authorities cited

Opinion

majority opinion

(Slip Opinion) OCTOBER TERM, 2025 1

Syllabus

NOTE: Where it is feasible, a syllabus (headnote) will be released, as is

being done in connection with this case, at the time the opinion is issued.

The syllabus constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court but has been

prepared by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader.

See United States v. Detroit Timber & Lumber Co., 200 U. S. 321, 337.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

Syllabus

WOLFORD ET AL. v. LOPEZ, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF

HAWAII

CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR

THE NINTH CIRCUIT

No. 24–1046. Argued January 20, 2026—Decided June 25, 2026 For years, the State of Hawaii made it almost impossible to obtain a license to carry a firearm. Four years ago, however, this Court held in

New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn., Inc. v. Bruen, 597 U. S. 1, that the

Second and Fourteenth Amendments protect the right to carry handguns outside the home for self-defense. Hawaii responded by replacing

its old law on carry permits with new laws that achieved a similar result. At issue in this case is a Hawaii law that prohibits firearms on

private property open to the public without the express and affirmative

consent of the property owner. Hawaii’s new rule imposes severe restrictions on the daily activities of residents who have satisfied the

State’s rigorous requirements for the issuance of a carry permit. When

these permit holders leave home, not only must they take care to avoid

all the territory where the possession of a gun is prohibited outright,

but they may also be barred from entering many places that people

routinely visit in the course of their daily routines, such as gas stations, restaurants, and stores. This law flips the default rule at common law, under which anyone has an implied license to enter property

held open to the public unless the property owner withdraws consent.

In District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U. S. 570, this Court held that

the Second Amendment protects an individual right to keep and bear

arms, with the Amendment’s “central” concern being the fundamental

right of self-defense. Id., at 577. Heller instructed courts to ascertain

the scope of the right by looking to history and emphatically rejected

an ahistorical “judge-empowering ‘interest-balancing inquiry.’ ” Id., at

634. The Court later held in McDonald v. Chicago, 561 U. S. 742, that

the Second Amendment right applies equally to the Federal

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Syllabus

Government and the States through the Fourteenth Amendment, settling the question whether the Second Amendment embodies a uniform national standard or one that varies from one locale to another.

In Bruen, the Court fleshed out the process of historical analysis required in a Second Amendment case, holding that the analysis involves

two steps. First, a court must determine whether the challenged law

falls within the plain text of the Amendment’s language by asking

whether the law applies to “the people” (i.e., all members of the political community) and restricts the “keep[ing]” (i.e., possession) or

“bear[ing]” (i.e., carrying) of “Arms” (i.e., weapons customarily used for

offensive or defensive purposes). If a challenged law falls within the

plain text, it is presumptively unconstitutional—which means that it

may violate the preexisting right that the Amendment codified. But

the government may show that its challenged law did not infringe the

historical understanding of the codified right. While a variety of

sources may aid this inquiry, the best evidence is often what Bruen

called historical analogues—old legal rules from which a court may

draw a strong inference that the modern law at issue is consistent with

the codified right. Bruen identified three important inquiries for evaluating proffered historical analogues: the number of jurisdictions in

which they were adopted, the extent to which they were well-accepted,

and whether any analogue or collection of analogues is “relevantly similar” to the modern law in terms of “how” and “why” it restricted the

keeping or bearing of arms. 597 U. S., at 29.

Petitioners—three residents of Maui County who possess concealedcarry permits and an organizational plaintiff with members who have

such permits—filed suit in federal court seeking temporary and permanent injunctive relief, contending that the law at issue violates their

constitutional rights. The District Court enjoined enforcement of the

law as applied to private property open to the public, but the Ninth

Circuit reversed that injunction.

Held: Hawaii’s law prohibiting licensed concealed-carry permit holders from carrying handguns on private property open to the public without the property owner’s express authorization violates the Second and Fourteenth Amendments. Pp. 13–24.

(a) The restrictions imposed by Hawaii’s challenged law fall within the plain text of the Second Amendment, so the law is presumptively unconstitutional. No party disputes that petitioners are among “the people” protected by the Second Amendment or that they seek to “bear” “Arms.” Therefore, “the plain text of the Second Amendment protects” what petitioners want to do: carry handguns for self-defense. Bruen, 597 U. S., at 32. To be sure, owners of establishments that are open to the public can admit or exclude persons who are carrying guns for selfdefense under either the common-law rule or Hawaii’s law. But

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Syllabus

Hawaii’s shift from the common-law rule unquestionably imposes a new and significant burden on the exercise of the right recognized in Bruen. For example, proprietors who do not object to entry by carrypermit holders may be reluctant to post welcoming signs for fear of alienating customers. So under Hawaii’s new default rule, a proprietor in this category may only be willing to consent discreetly to the entry of permit holders who make the effort to inquire. This arrangement imposes a new burden on permit holders who will have to somehow obtain permission to carry a firearm on the property before stepping foot on it. The law severely hampers the ability of law-abiding citizens to exercise the right Bruen recognized as they go about their daily lives. Pp. 13–16.

(b) Hawaii’s proffered historical analogues do not support the constitutionality of its new default rule. Pp. 16–24.

(1) Hawaii’s argument that its “particular customs and laws,”

Brief for Respondent 24, support the new default rule fails because the Second Amendment has the same meaning in all parts of the United States. The Second Amendment cannot give way to “the spirit of Aloha” in Hawaii, contra, State v. Wilson, 154 Haw. 8, 27, 543 P. 3d 440, 459, any more than it can yield to the spirit of the Big Apple (Bruen) or the Windy City (McDonald). Merely local attitudes can neither shrink nor inflate the meaning of fundamental Bill of Rights guarantees that apply to the States through the Fourteenth Amendment. Pp. 16–19.

(2) The State’s colonial and early state law analogues consist almost entirely of laws that prohibited unauthorized hunting of deer or small game on someone else’s private property. These laws—including a 1721 Pennsylvania law, 1722 New Jersey statute, 1728 Maryland statute, 1763 New York law, and 1771 New Jersey law—targeted unauthorized hunting and applied to land where game could be found, not retail establishments that residents frequent as part of their daily routines. Those laws had little if any impact on the Second Amendment’s central objective of protecting the fundamental right to self-defense, and their obvious aim was to prevent the distinctive harms and risks associated with unauthorized hunting. The gap between the State’s anti-poaching analogues and its new rule is too wide. Pp. 19– 22.

(3) The State’s remaining analogues are even weaker. An 1893

Oregon law prohibited armed trespass on “enclosed premises,” but it is unclear whether such premises included commercial establishments open to the public. Regardless, a lone statute adopted nearly a century after the adoption of the Second Amendment and well after the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment sheds little if any light on the meaning of the Second Amendment right.

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Hawaii also relies on an 1865 Louisiana statute enacted as part of

the notorious Black Codes to disarm blacks and leave them defenseless

against attacks. As the Court laid out in McDonald, the right to keep

and bear arms was crucially important for vulnerable blacks during

this period. See 561 U. S., at 757, 771, 776–779; id., at 843–846

(THOMAS, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment). This was

well-understood by the Republicans in Congress who were responsible

for drafting, approving, and securing the ratification of the Fourteenth

Amendment. Against this history, Hawaii’s claim that this tainted artifact from Louisiana’s Black Code illuminates the original understanding of the right to keep and bear arms cannot be taken seriously.

And even setting aside this statute’s pedigree, it carries no weight because it was neither widespread nor widely accepted. Pp. 22–24. 116 F. 4th 959, reversed and remanded.

ALITO, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which ROBERTS, C. J., and THOMAS, GORSUCH, KAVANAUGH, and BARRETT, JJ., joined. BARRETT, J., filed a concurring opinion, in which THOMAS and GORSUCH, JJ., joined as to Part II–B. KAGAN, J., filed a dissenting opinion. JACKSON, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which SOTOMAYOR, J., joined.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 1

Opinion of the Court

NOTICE: This opinion is subject to formal revision before publication in the

United States Reports. Readers are requested to notify the Reporter of

Decisions, Supreme Court of the United States, Washington, D. C. 20543,

pio@supremecourt.gov, of any typographical or other formal errors.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

No. 24–1046

JASON WOLFORD, ET AL., PETITIONERS v. ANNE E.

LOPEZ, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF HAWAII

ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF

APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT

[June 25, 2026]

JUSTICE ALITO delivered the opinion of the Court.

For years, the State of Hawaii made it almost impossible

to obtain a license to carry a firearm. Four years ago, however, this Court held in New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn.,

Inc. v. Bruen, 597 U. S. 1 (2022), that the Second and Fourteenth Amendments protect the right to carry handguns

outside the home for self-defense. Hawaii responded by replacing its old law on carry permits with new laws that

achieved a similar result. On a large portion of the land

within the State’s boundaries, possession of a firearm is

now flatly prohibited. And the law now before us severely

burdens the ability to carry a firearm in much of the rest of

the State by prohibiting firearms on private property without the express and affirmative consent of the property

owner.

This law departs sharply from the standard common-law

rule on access to private property held open to the public.

Under that rule, everyone, including those lawfully carrying

firearms, may enter unless expressly prohibited from doing

so. By contrast, under the new Hawaii law, no one carrying

a firearm may enter without the property owner’s express

authorization. The effect of this new rule is to impose

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severe restrictions on the daily activities of residents who

have satisfied the State’s rigorous requirements for the issuance of a carry permit. When these permit holders leave

home in the morning, not only must they take care to avoid

all the territory where the possession of a gun is prohibited

outright, but they may also be barred from entering many

places that people routinely visit in the course of their daily routines, such as gas stations, convenience stores, restaurants, coffee shops, drug stores, grocery stores, “big box”

stores, home improvement stores, barber shops or hair salons, dry cleaners, and laundromats.

This regime hobbles what the Second Amendment protects: the right of Americans to carry arms for self-defense

as they go about their daily lives. We hold that the law is

unconstitutional.

I

When Hawaii adopted the law now before us, it did so

against the backdrop of this Court’s Second Amendment decisions, and many of the arguments that the State1 now advances were addressed in those decisions. We therefore

begin with an overview of that body of law.

A

1

The Second Amendment provides: “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the

right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” For more than two centuries after the ratification

of the Second Amendment, this Court had few occasions to

examine its meaning. Such an occasion arose in District of

Columbia v. Heller, 554 U. S. 570 (2008).

The case was brought by Dick Heller, a resident of the

District of Columbia whose story highlighted the reason

why the right to keep and bear arms for self-defense was

1 For simplicity, we refer to respondent as “the State.”

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Opinion of the Court

included in the Bill of Rights. Id., at 575. In light of the

exceptionally high rate of violent crime in Washington,

D. C.,2 Heller wanted to keep a firearm in his home to defend himself in case of a burglary or home invasion. Id., at

575–576. He had all the hallmarks of a citizen who would

handle a firearm safely and responsibly. He was a special

D. C. police officer who provided security at the Thurgood

Marshall Judiciary Building and was authorized under

D. C. law to carry a handgun while on duty. Ibid. But the

District, which made it virtually impossible for a resident

to keep a handgun at home for self-defense, denied his application for a permit. Ibid. Unwilling to accept this plight, Heller sued in federal court to vindicate his Second Amendment right. Ibid.

When his case reached this Court, we provided our first

thorough exploration of the Second Amendment’s meaning.

We rejected the argument that the Second Amendment

right extends only to members of a state militia and held

instead that the Second Amendment, like other provisions

of the Bill of Rights, protects an individual right enjoyed by “ ‘the people.’ ” Id., at 579–581. Our opinion went on to explain the meaning of the Second Amendment’s other key

terms. The phrase “to keep and bear Arms,” we held, signifies what its terms mean in ordinary usage—that is, to

“have” and “carry Arms.” Id., at 583–585. And “Arms,” we

explained, refers to implements used for offense or defense.

Id., at 581. We added that handguns, which are “overwhelmingly chosen by American society” for self-defense,

fall squarely into this category. Id., at 628.

We also identified the Amendment’s “central” concern: securing the fundamental right of self-defense. Id., at 577,

581, 599, 628, 635. In late 18th century America, the need

2 See, e.g., Brief for Buckeye Firearms Foundation et al. as Amici Curiae 8–11, Brief for Criminologists et al. as Amici Curiae 6–17, and Brief for Academics as Amicus Curiae 5–17, in District of Columbia v. Heller, O. T. 2007, No. 07–290.

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for firearms for self-defense was acute. There were no police forces, and most Americans lived in rural areas, often

in homes located miles from the closest neighbor.3 If these

homes were attacked, the residents were on their own, and

their survival might well depend on the availability of a

firearm to ward off assailants. In light of this reality, it is not surprising that the right to keep and bear arms was included among the other treasured liberties protected by the

Bill of Rights.4

But while the founding generation cherished the Second

Amendment right, they did not think it was absolute. Heller explained—and later cases have reiterated—that the

Second Amendment “codified a pre-existing right.” Id., at

592. And this right, as understood at the time, was not an

“unlimited” right “to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose.”

Id., at 592, 626. Similarly, Heller warned that “nothing in

our opinion should be taken to cast doubt on longstanding

prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the

mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in

sensitive places such as schools and government buildings.”

Id., at 626; see also McDonald v. Chicago, 561 U. S. 742,

786 (2010) (opinion of ALITO, J.); United States v. Rahimi,

602 U. S. 680, 699 (2024).

2

Because the Second Amendment protects a right that already existed when the Amendment was adopted, Heller instructed courts to ascertain the scope of the right by looking to history. And to emphasize the point, Heller emphatically

3 See, e.g., C. Cramer, Armed in America: The Remarkable Story of

How and Why Guns Became as American as Apple Pie 3 (2006).

4As Heller noted, most Americans in the late 18th century also “undoubtedly thought” that the codified Second Amendment was “important for hunting,” 554 U. S., at 599, which, particularly for those moving west, was an important source of sustenance.

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rejected the ahistorical and “judge-empowering ‘interestbalancing inquiry’ ” suggested in the dissent. 554 U. S., at

634. Heller acknowledged that the history-based analysis

it prescribed would not always be easy, but it found that

mode of analysis necessary to prevent judges from balancing away the right that the Second Amendment was

adopted to protect, id., at 635—which is precisely what the

dissent did.5

B

Heller concerned an ordinance adopted by the District of

Columbia, and therefore the decision did not govern the

States. But since virtually all the provisions of the Bill of

Rights had been held to apply equally to the Federal Government and the States, it was inevitable that the Court

would have to decide whether the Second Amendment right

merited similar treatment. Two years after Heller, that

question came before us in McDonald.

The case was brought by residents of Chicago, a city, like

Washington, D. C., with a high rate of violent crime.6 The

lead plaintiff, Otis McDonald, was a man in his late seventies who lived in a dangerous neighborhood and had been

subjected to violent threats from drug dealers. McDonald,

561 U. S., at 751. A city ordinance effectively barred

McDonald and the other plaintiffs from possessing guns in

their homes for self-defense, and they contended that the

5 That dissent assumed for the sake of argument that the Second

Amendment protects a private citizen’s right to keep a firearm in the home for self-defense, but then concluded that D. C. law, which made it virtually impossible to have a gun for that purpose, was nevertheless constitutional because it was adequately tailored to serve the District’s interest in protecting public safety. See Heller, 554 U. S., at 692–693 (opinion of Breyer, J.).

6 See Brief for Heartland Institute as Amicus Curiae 6–10, and Brief

for Buckeye Firearms Foundation et al. as Amici Curiae 8–15, in McDonald v. Chicago, O. T. 2008, No. 08–1521.

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fundamental right recognized in Heller should apply

throughout the country. 561 U. S., at 752–753.

The city of Chicago opposed nationwide application of

Heller, arguing that law enforcement needs and public attitudes about guns varied from State to State and city to city

and that States and cities should have leeway to regulate

gun possession as their lawmakers saw fit. See Brief for

Respondent in McDonald v. Chicago, O. T. 2009, No. 08–

1521, pp. 24–31. The Court, however, disagreed. The plurality opinion, joined by four Justices, concluded that the

Second Amendment right, like nearly all the rights protected by the First, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, and Eighth

Amendments, should apply equally to the Federal Government and the States. McDonald, 561 U. S., at 750. Following a body of precedent dating back more than a century,

the plurality concluded that the provision of the Fourteenth

Amendment that did this work was the Due Process Clause.

Id., at 767–787. JUSTICE THOMAS, who provided the decisive fifth vote, reached a similar result based on the Fourteenth Amendment’s Privileges or Immunities Clause. Id.,

at 805–806 (opinion concurring in part and concurring in

judgment). But either way, McDonald settled the question

whether the Second Amendment embodies a uniform national standard or one that varies from one locale to another.

C

After McDonald, 12 years elapsed before the Court’s next

major Second Amendment decision: Bruen. In the interim,

lower courts rejected nearly all Second Amendment claims

based on reasoning that resembled that in Justice Breyer’s

Heller dissent. See Bruen, 597 U. S., at 18–19, 26.

In Bruen, we considered one such decision, which upheld

a New York law that severely restricted the right to carry a

handgun outside the home for self-defense. In doing so, we

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Opinion of the Court

fleshed out the process of historical analysis required in a

Second Amendment case. See id., at 10.

That analysis, we held, involves two steps. First, a court

must determine whether the law before it clashes with the

“plain text” of the Amendment’s language. Id., at 24. This

inquiry entails three subsidiary questions. First, does the

law apply to “the people”—which is to say, to “all members

of the political community”? Heller, 554 U. S., at 580. Second, does it concern any form of “Arms,” i.e., any weapon

customarily used for offensive or defensive purposes? See

id., at 584. Third, does the law place any restrictions on

either the “keep[ing]” (i.e., possession) or the “bear[ing]”

(i.e., carrying) of arms? See Bruen, 597 U. S., at 32–33.

If a challenged law falls within the plain text of the Second Amendment, it is presumptively unconstitutional, id.,

at 24—which means that it may violate the preexisting

right that the Amendment codified. But because that right

was not in every way coterminous with the Amendment’s

literal language, further analysis may be needed. Specifically, the relevant government—federal, state, or local—

may be able to show that its challenged law did not infringe

the historical understanding of the codified right. See ibid.

A variety of sources, including scholarship, may aid this

inquiry. See id., at 34–60. But often, the best evidence may

be what Bruen called historical analogues. Id., at 28. These

are old legal rules from which a court may draw a strong

inference that the modern law at issue is consistent with

the codified right. A party defending against a Second

Amendment claim may rely on a single analogue or a group

of analogues. Bruen identified three important inquiries

that courts should undertake in evaluating proffered analogues. The first is the number of jurisdictions in which

they were adopted. See id., at 67 (“[W]e will not stake our

interpretation . . . upon a law in effect in a single State, or a single city” (citing Heller, 554 U. S., at 632)). The second is the extent to which they were well-accepted. This

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acceptance may be express, as when judicial decisions explicitly acknowledged the rule’s legality. Or the acceptance

may be tacit, as when a restriction on the keeping or carrying of arms was “open, widespread, and unchallenged.”

Bruen, 597 U. S., at 36 (internal quotation marks omitted).

The third is whether any analogue or collection of analogues is “relevantly similar” to the modern law. Id., at 29.

Determining whether this condition is met requires consideration of “how” the analogue restricted the keeping or

bearing of arms—that is, whether it imposed a restriction

similar to that imposed by the challenged law. Ibid. And a

court must also consider “why” the analogue restricted the

keeping or bearing of arms—that is, whether its rationale

was similar to that of the new law. Ibid. In order to be

sufficiently similar to the modern law being challenged, a

putative analogue need not be a “dead ringer” or “historical

twin.” Id., at 30. Particularly when the modern law addresses a situation that could not have arisen when the Second or Fourteenth Amendment was adopted, it is too much

to demand such a close match. But the “how” and “why” of

the historical analogue and modern regulation must be

close enough to enable a court to say: “Because this historical law was understood to be compatible with the right codified by the Second Amendment, we can infer that the restriction imposed by the modern law is likewise consistent

with that right.” Making this determination is far more disciplined than the “interest-balancing,” “judge-empowering”

standard that Heller emphatically rejected, but it is not mechanical. Bruen, 597 U. S., at 22 (quoting Heller, 554 U. S.,

at 634; internal quotation marks omitted). It undeniably

necessitates an exercise of judgment.

Applying this framework, Bruen held that the challenged

New York law, which broadly prohibited law-abiding citizens from carrying commonly used firearms in public for

self-defense, violated the Second and Fourteenth Amendments. 597 U. S., at 38. We found that the State’s proffered

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analogues were critically different from the challenged law

and that the “overwhelming weight” of historical evidence

supported the “right of the public to peaceably carry handguns for self-defense.” Id., at 62, 66.

In addition to holding that New York’s law violated the

Second Amendment, we pointed out that six other jurisdictions had adopted statutory provisions like New York’s. See

id., at 15, n. 2. One of those jurisdictions was Hawaii.7

D

In Bruen, the law at issue concerned conduct that could

have occurred when the Second and Fourteenth Amendments were adopted—carrying a handgun outside the home

for self-defense. By contrast, in our most recent Second

Amendment case, United States v. Rahimi, 602 U. S. 680,

the law in question, 18 U. S. C. §922(g)(8), involved conduct

that was distinctively modern: the possession of a firearm

by a person against whom a domestic violence restraining

order had been issued, see Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 684–685.

Accordingly, application of step two of the Bruen framework

called for a more difficult exercise of judgment. In the end,

however, the majority was satisfied that the two analogues

identified by the Federal Government, though not “dead

ringers” of §922(g)(8), were sufficiently similar to support

the provision’s constitutionality because the challenged

regulation was “consistent with the principles that underpin our regulatory tradition.” Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 692,

698–699.

The dissent applied the same test but came to the opposite conclusion, see id., at 747 (opinion of THOMAS, J.), exhibiting how Heller’s history-based methodology—true to

the warning contained in that ground-breaking decision—

is not mechanical, see 554 U. S., at 626–628, 635.

7 The other five were California, the District of Columbia, Maryland,

Massachusetts, and New Jersey. Bruen, 597 U. S., at 15, n. 2.

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II

A

With this background in mind, we turn to the Hawaii law

challenged in this case. Before Bruen, Hawaii issued firearms carry licenses only in “exceptional case[s].” Haw. Rev.

Stat. §§134–2 (Cum. Supp. 2018), 134–9(a) (2011). Indeed,

it appears that from 2000 to 2018, only four such licenses

were issued. See Young v. Hawaii, 896 F. 3d 1044, 1071, n.

21 (CA9 2018), reh’g en banc, 992 F. 3d 765 (2021), cert.

granted, judgt. vacated, 597 U. S. 916 (2022). After Bruen,

Hawaii and four of the other five States called out by our

decision adopted a new method of restricting law-abiding

citizens from carrying firearms for self-defense by flipping

the default rule on private property open to the public.

At common law, opening up private property to the general public implies a “license to all persons to enter,” meaning that “no person is a trespasser by merely entering

therein” unless the property owner has given “due notice”

that such a person is banned. Commonwealth v. Power, 48

Mass. 596, 602 (1844); see also, e.g., State v. Steele, 106

N. C. 766, 780–783, 11 S. E. 478, 484–485 (1890); Barney v.

Oyster Bay & Huntington Steamboat Co., 67 N. Y. 301, 302–

303 (1876); Jencks v. Coleman, 13 F. Cas. 442, 443–444 (No.

7,258), (CC RI 1835) (Story, J.).

After Bruen, Hawaii and four other States singled out in

that decision flipped this default rule. Rather than allowing all to enter private property open to the public unless

specifically prohibited, these new laws provided that no one

carrying a firearm may enter without express authorization. See Cal. Penal Code Ann. §26230(a)(26) (West Supp.

2026); Haw. Rev. Stat. §134–9.5(a) (2023); Md. Crim. Law

Code Ann. §6–411(d) (Supp. 2025); N. J. Stat. Ann. §2C:58–

4.6(a)(24) (West 2024); N. Y. Penal Law Ann. §265.01–d(1)

(West 2025).

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B

Hawaii’s new default rule is part of a tight web of laws

that severely restricts the carrying of firearms for self-defense. To start, carrying a handgun for self-defense requires a special license, and obtaining that license is a rigorous process. Haw. Rev. Stat. §134–9. Applicants must

first complete a detailed application that requires the disclosure of medical information. §134–9(g).8 They must then

successfully complete an extensive training course in which

they demonstrate competency in firearm safety and live-fire

shooting, as well as an understanding of the law and available mental-health resources. §§134–9(d), (e). And they

must demonstrate the “essential character or temperament

necessary to be entrusted with a firearm.” §134–9(h).

But even for those who fulfill these stringent requirements, Hawaii imposes two additional restrictions on carrying firearms. The first bans the possession of a firearm

in significant categories of places: “[a]ny [state-owned]

building” or “adjacent grounds and parking areas”; “[a]ny

public or private hospital” or “other place at which medical

or health services are customarily provided”; any “restaurant serving alcohol”; any “stadium, movie theater, or concert hall”; any “public library property”; “any public or private” college or university; “any public school, charter

school,” or private school; any “beach, playground,” or park;

“any bank or financial institution”; any “amusement park,

aquarium, carnival, circus, fair, museum, water park, or

8 See Hawai’i Police Dept., Firearm Servs., https://www.

hawaiipolice.gov/services/firearm-services/#license-to-carry (archived at https://perma.cc/A4G8-AEYB); License to Carry (Concealed and Unconcealed) Application Processing, https://www.hawaiipolice.gov/wpcontent/uploads/PM-12.3-License-to-Carry-Concealed-and-UnconcealedApplication.pdf (archived at https://perma.cc/MX8Z-3DMC); Authorization for Use or Disclosure of Protected Health Information (PHI), https://www.hawaiipolice.gov/wp-content/ uploads/ Authorization-for-Useor-Disclosure-of-PHI.pdf (archived at https://perma.cc/H7AL-C8ED). 12 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

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zoo”; and any “public gathering, public assembly, or special

event conducted on property open to the public.” §134–

9.1(a).9 Some of these places are owned by the State, but

many of the categories include privately owned property.

So even if the owner of such a place wanted to admit individuals who are carrying a gun for self-defense, the owner

could not do so.

The second restriction—the one at issue in this case—

generally prohibits licensed individuals from carrying a

firearm, even if unloaded or inoperable, “on private property of another.” §134–9.5(a). Certain categories of individuals, such as police officers, are exempt, §§134–9.5(d), 134–

11(a), but the ban otherwise applies unless “express authorization” has been given “by the owner, lessee, operator, or

manager of the property,” §134–9.5(a). Such authorization

must take one of two forms: “clear and conspicuous signage”

that confers such consent or “[u]nambiguous written or verbal authorization” to carry a firearm on the premises from

“the owner, lessee, operator, or manager of the property” or

an agent of such a person. §134–9.5(b).

III

Petitioners—three residents of Maui County who possess

concealed-carry permits and an organizational plaintiff

with members who have such permits—contend that these

restrictions violate their rights under the U. S. Constitution, and they filed suit in federal court, seeking both temporary and permanent injunctive relief. The District Court

declined such relief with respect to private property that is

closed to the public, but it enjoined enforcement of the new

9 In the decision below, six judges stated that “Hawaii’s law prohibits,

presumptively or outright, the carrying of a handgun on 96.4% of the publicly accessible land in Maui County.” 125 F. 4th 1230, 1233 (CA9 2025) (VanDyke, J., dissenting from denial of reh’g en banc). The State challenges this figure, arguing that it includes “sensitive-place” restrictions, such as those for public parks, beaches, and schools. Brief for Respondent 41.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 13

Opinion of the Court

default rule as applied to private property that is open to

the public.

A panel of the Ninth Circuit reversed that injunction, and

the full Ninth Circuit denied rehearing en banc. Judge

VanDyke, joined by five other judges, issued an opinion dissenting from the denial of rehearing en banc. 125 F. 4th

1230, 1231 (2025). Judge Collins, joined by Judge Bress,

likewise filed a dissent. Ibid. We granted certiorari to decide whether Hawaii may prohibit licensed concealed-carry

permit holders from carrying handguns on private property

open to the public unless the property owner gives express

permission. 606 U. S. 1066 (2025).

IV

A

As with any Second Amendment challenge, we began by

asking whether the restrictions imposed by the challenged

law fall within the plain text of the Second Amendment, see

Bruen, 597 U. S., at 17, and we find that this requirement

is easily met.

No party disputes that petitioners are among “the people”

protected by the Second Amendment or that they seek to

“bear,” i.e., to carry, “arms.” Therefore, “the plain text of

the Second Amendment protects” what petitioners want to

do: carry handguns for self-defense. Id., at 32.

Petitioners and the United States argue that the new default rule was enacted to undermine our decision in Bruen,

but whatever the purpose of the new law, the shift from the

old common-law rule unquestionably imposed a new and

significant burden on the exercise of the right that this

Court recognized in Bruen. To be sure, owners of establishments that are open to the public can admit or exclude persons who are carrying guns for self-defense under either the

common-law rule or Hawaii’s substitute. As a practical

matter, however, the choice between these two default rules

is often outcome-determinative with respect to Hawaiians’

14 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

Opinion of the Court

Second Amendment rights. For establishments where the

owner either pays no attention or does not care about such

issues, the choice of default rule will determine where

carry-permit holders may lawfully carry firearms.

More broadly, Hawaii’s new default rule burdens those

wishing to exercise their Second Amendment right. Some

proprietors who do not themselves object to entry by carrypermit holders may be reluctant to post a sign welcoming

such individuals for fear of alienating other customers. So

under Hawaii’s new default rule, a proprietor in this category may only be willing to consent discreetly to the entry

of permit holders who make the effort to inquire. This arrangement imposes a new burden on permit holders who

will have to somehow obtain permission to carry a firearm

on the property before stepping foot on it.

To see what Hawaii’s new default rule means in practice,

consider its impact on a resident of Hawaii whose situation

is like that of Jaime Caetano, a young Boston woman who

wanted to carry a weapon to defend herself from a violent

ex-boyfriend but was criminally prosecuted when she used

a non-lethal weapon to fend him off. See Caetano v. Massachusetts, 577 U. S. 411, 412–413 (2016) (ALITO, J., concurring in judgment). Suppose our hypothetical young

woman, after clearing all the hurdles needed to get a Hawaiian carry permit, leaves her home on a weekday morning and carries a handgun on her person or in a purse. On

the way to work, she intends to fill up her car at a gas station. During her lunch break, she plans to walk to a fastfood restaurant and then buy some items at a large drug

store. After work, she wants to pick up clothes at a dry

cleaner and then shop for groceries. Unless each of these

establishments has posted a sign saying “Guns Welcome”

or something to that effect, each visit could expose her to

criminal liability.

Imagine what our hypothetical young woman will have to

do when she drives to the supermarket after work. When

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 15

Opinion of the Court

she arrives, she will violate the literal terms of the Hawaii

law merely by pulling into the parking lot while having her

handgun concealed on her person. She can minimize the

length of her violation by disarming as soon as she arrives.

But in removing the handgun from her person, she must

take care not to let anyone see it for even a moment. Otherwise, she could be charged with “recklessly caus[ing]

alarm to another person by failing to conceal the firearm,

even briefly.” Haw. Rev. Stat. §134–9.7. Once she has removed the handgun from her person, she cannot leave it in

her car without locking it in what amounts to a safe. See

§134–9.3.

Instead of going through all this, she may choose to remain armed when she enters the supermarket and

promptly search for someone who is authorized to provide

the consent that the law demands. This will prolong the

violation of the terms of the Hawaii law, and finding someone who can provide consent may not be easy. For example,

it is most unlikely that the supermarket employee who is

gathering up shopping carts in the parking lot or the employee who is restocking shelves will possess that authority.

During all the time this search goes on, our hypothetical

young woman will be violating the terms of the statute, and

if that is brought to the attention of the police (say, by a

store employee or customer who hears her ask for permission to enter), she may be charged with a criminal offense

or lose her license. §134–9.7. And in the end, she may be

unable to shop because she cannot find anyone who has

been authorized by management to consent.

When our hypothetical young woman visits the restaurant at lunch, her situation may be even more difficult. Unless her place of employment has a gun locker where she

can store her gun, she may be unable to leave it behind

when she leaves the building. See §134–10.5. And if she

disarms before leaving work, she will be vulnerable for that

period of time. Even this short period of vulnerability can

16 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

Opinion of the Court

be deadly: Ms. Caetano was approached by her abusive boyfriend right after leaving work. See Caetano, 577 U. S., at

413 (ALITO, J., concurring in judgment).

If our hypothetical young woman remains armed during

the lunch break, she will violate the terms of the law if she

sets foot inside any establishment without a “Guns Welcome” sign, even if she immediately seeks someone who can

provide authorization to stay. And as was the case with the

supermarket, finding such a person may not be easy. Thus,

by the end of an ordinary day, our hypothetical young

woman could be a criminal at least six times over. In short,

Hawaii’s law severely hampers the ability of a law-abiding

citizen to exercise the right Bruen recognized.

Hawaii nonetheless argues that petitioners’ challenge

fails at the first step of Bruen’s two-step framework because

“the right to bear arms did not encompass the right to

armed entry onto private property without the owner’s consent.” Brief for Respondent 9. The State then launches into

a lengthy discussion of historical materials and precedents

that, it contends, supports this argument. Id., at 9–27.

We will discuss all these authorities, but they are out of

place at Bruen’s first step. At that stage, as we have explained, the question is simply whether a challenged law

falls within the Second Amendment’s “plain text.” 597

U. S., at 24. We therefore move on to the second step.

B

At this second step, the inquiry mandated by Heller and

Bruen turns to an exploration of the historical understanding of the scope of the right the Constitution codified. Hawaii’s first argument on this score is based on “Hawai’i’s

particular customs and laws.” Brief for Respondent 24. The

State starts with the undisputed principle that the owner

of private property is generally free to exclude anyone from

entering without consent. See Florida v. Jardines, 569

U. S. 1, 7–8 (2013). It acknowledges that an owner’s

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 17

Opinion of the Court

consent need not always be express and that there are circumstances in which consent may be inferred. See id., at 8.

But the State contends that, whatever the situation in other

parts of the country, in Hawaii, opening private property to

the public does not implicitly include any armed individuals

among those who may enter.10

In support of this argument, the State recounts its long

history of antipathy to the private possession of firearms.

It tells us that one of the very first written laws of the Kingdom of Hawaii, issued in 1833 by King Kamehameha III,

prohibited the possession of all deadly weapons.11 Later

laws adopted before and after Hawaii became part of the

United States continued to heavily restrict the possession

and carriage of firearms. See, e.g., Act of May 25, 1852, §1,

1852 Haw. Sess. Laws 19 (limiting the right to carry any

deadly weapon in public); Haw. Rev. Laws, ch. 209, §3089

(1905), as amended by Act of Mar. 19, 1913, §1, 1913 Haw.

Sess. Laws 25. And prior to Bruen, Hawaii permitted public

carry only in “exceptional” cases “when an applicant

show[ed] reason to fear injury to the applicant’s person or

property.” Haw. Rev. Stat. §134–9(a) (2022). Then, in the

wake of Bruen, Hawaii passed the statute at issue in this

case, and the State contends that this law continues a Hawaiian tradition and shows that Hawaiians disfavor the

carrying of guns in their midst. Accordingly, the State

maintains, its new default rule merely expresses the circumstances under which implied consent may be reasonably inferred in Hawaii.

10 The State curiously suggests that the concept of private property

that is open to the public is too fuzzy for use in ascertaining implied consent. Brief for Respondent 20–21. But Hawaiian law uses that familiar concept in a variety of contexts. See, e.g., Haw. Rev. Stat. §§708–813, 708–814 (2025) (definition of criminal trespass); §489–2 (2019) (public accommodations law).

11 See Translation of the Constitution and Laws of the Hawaiian Islands, Established in the Reign of Kamehameha III, in Hawaiian Laws 1841–1842, ch. 42, p. 98 (1842).

18 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

Opinion of the Court

This argument is little different from the central argument offered by the city of Chicago in McDonald, and Hawaii’s version fares no better. As the plurality explained in

McDonald, the Second Amendment has the same meaning

in all parts of the United States. 561 U. S., at 784–785. It

cannot give way to “the spirit of Aloha” in Hawaii, contra,

State v. Wilson, 154 Haw. 8, 27, 543 P. 3d 440, 459 (2024),

any more than it can yield to the spirit of the Big Apple

(Bruen) or the Windy City (McDonald). It applies in the

same way to our 50th State (where about 8% of adults possess guns) and our 49th State (where the figure is roughly

59%).12 Merely local attitudes can neither shrink nor inflate the meaning of fundamental Bill of Rights guarantees

that apply to the States through the Fourteenth Amendment.13

When we assess whether a challenged law is consistent

with the right the Second Amendment codified, we seek the

general understanding of that codified right at the relevant

point in time. An outlier legal rule adopted in a few locales

12 RAND, Gun Ownership in America, https://www.rand.org/

research/gun-policy/gun-ownership.html (archived at https://perma.cc/WR9W-YCSN).

13 The principal dissent’s main argument is that “[t]his case is about

property rights, not gun rights.” Post, at 6 (opinion of JACKSON, J.). Because a State is generally free to alter traditional property-law principles as it chooses, the dissent contends that Hawaii’s alteration of the traditional rule on access to private property open to the public does not infringe Second Amendment rights. This argument fails because States may not adopt property-law rules that violate constitutional rights. For example, a State may not adopt property-law rules that violate the freedom of speech. See, e.g., Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U. S. 155, 159 (2015) (ordinance regulating signs on private property); City of Ladue v. Gilleo, 512 U. S. 43, 45 (1994) (similar). Nor may a State adopt zoning rules that violate the equal protection of the laws. See, e.g., Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60 (1917). Likewise, a State may not “ ‘sidestep the Takings Clause’ ” by enacting a law purporting to extinguish a property interest. Tyler v. Hennepin County, 598 U. S. 631, 638–639 (2023). The right protected by the Second Amendment is entitled to no less protection than other constitutional rights.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 19

Opinion of the Court

is not enough. See supra, at 7–8; Bruen, 597 U. S., at 39

(“ ‘[T]he language of the Constitution cannot be interpreted

safely except by reference to the common law and to British

institutions as they were when the instrument was framed

and adopted’ ” (emphasis deleted)). And as we have explained, “overwhelming evidence” shows an “enduring

American tradition permitting public carry.” Id., at 67. Hawaii’s prohibitions on public carry represent a distinct outlier.14

C

1

With this preliminary question out of the way, we turn to

Hawaii’s main argument: that analogous colonial and early

state laws support the constitutionality of the State’s new

law. These old laws, however, are vastly different from Hawaii’s new default rule. They consist almost entirely of laws

that prohibited unauthorized hunting of deer or small game

on someone else’s private property.15

14 The State also argues that Florida v. Jardines, 569 U. S. 1 (2013),

and McKee v. Gratz, 260 U. S. 127 (1922), support its argument that the scope of the constitutional right to keep and bear arms may vary from place to place, but that is incorrect. Jardines, a Fourth Amendment case, had nothing to do with variations in property norms across different localities. And McKee addressed common-law trespass, not any constitutional question.

15 Some of these laws applied only to “enclosed” land, and petitioners

and some of their amici argue that such property was not open to the public. See Brief for Petitioners 31; Brief for United States as Amicus Curiae 30. On the other hand, the State and some of its amici contend that the term “enclosed land” was understood at the time to include some property that was generally open to the public. See Brief for Respondent 31; M. Brady, Property v. Guns: The Level-of-Generality Problem in Wolford, Stan. L. Rev. Online (forthcoming 2026) (last revised Feb. 27, 2026) https://www.stanfordlawreview.org/online/property-v-guns-the-level-ofgenerality-problem-in-wolford/ (archived at https://perma.cc/J7Y3-WC5G). For the sake of argument, we will assume that the latter interpretation is correct and that the State’s analogues were well-known and 20 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

Opinion of the Court

The State’s earliest analogue is a 1721 Pennsylvania law

entitled “An Act to Prevent the Killing of Deer Out of Season, and Against Carrying of Guns and Hunting By Persons

Not Qualified.” This statute made it unlawful to “carry any

gun or hunt on the improved or inclosed lands of any plantation, other than his own,” without securing “license or

permission from the owner of such lands or plantation.”

1721 Pa. Laws, ch. 246, §3, in 3 The Statutes at Large of

Pennsylvania From 1682 to 1801, pp. 254–225 (J. Mitchell

& H. Flanders eds. 1896). The law’s stated purpose was to

prevent “divers[e] Abuses, Damages and Inconveniences”

that “ha[d] ar[i]se[n] by Persons carrying Guns, and presuming to hunt on other people’s lands.” §2, at 255. As the

Third Circuit observed, that law “appears to be primarily

focused on preventing Pennsylvanians from hunting on

their neighbors’ land, not on restricting the right to publicly carry a gun.” Lara v. Commissioner Pa. State Police, 125

F. 4th 428, 443 (2025).

A 1722 New Jersey statute contains nearly identical language. See An Act to Prevent the Killing of Deer out of Season, and against Carrying of Guns and Hunting by Persons

not Qualified, 1722 N. J. Laws pp. 100–101 (no person shall

“carry any [g]un, or [h]unt on the [i]mproved or [i]nclosed

[l]ands in any [p]lantatio[n] . . . other than his own”). And

a 1728 Maryland statute and a 1763 New York law fall into

the same category. The Maryland law, titled “An Act to Encourage the Destroying of Wolves, Crows, and Squirrels,”

made it unlawful to “come to hunt with Guns or Dogs,

within any Inclosed Grounds, Islands, Peninsula’s, or

Necks fenced across from Water to Water, without Leave or

Licence from the Proprietors thereof, first had and obtained.” 1728 Md. Laws p. 13. And the New York law, titled

accepted. Even so, they are far too different from Hawaii’s default rule to permit us to infer that the default rule is consistent with the codified Second Amendment right. See infra, this page and 21–22.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 21

Opinion of the Court

“An Act to Prevent Hunting with Fire-Arms in the City of

New-York, and the Liberties Thereof,” made it unlawful to

“carry, shoot, or discharge any Musket, Fowling-Piece, or

other Fire-Arm whatsoever, into, upon, or through any Orchard, Garden, CornField, or other inclosed Land whatsoever.” 1763 N. Y. Laws ch. 1233, §1. All these laws targeted unauthorized hunting and focused on land where

game could be found.

A 1771 New Jersey law followed this tradition. Titled “An

act for the preservation of deer, and other game, and to prevent trespassing with guns,” this law provided that a person could not “carry any gun on any lands not his own, and

for which the owner pays taxes, or is in his lawful possession, unless he hath license or permission in writing from

the owner or owners, or legal possessor.” 1771 N. J. Laws

pp. 25–26.16

In sum, the State’s analogues principally targeted unauthorized hunting. Their coverage differed sharply from that

of the Hawaii law now before us. They applied to land

where game could be found, not retail establishments that

residents of cities and suburbs frequent as part of their

daily routines. They had little if any impact on the Second

Amendment’s central objective: protecting the fundamental

right to self-defense. And their obvious aim was to prevent

the distinctive harms and risks associated with unauthorized hunting. That conduct often entailed the theft of private property: The poacher took game that the property

16 And because New Jersey taxed only “improved land” at the time, the

prohibition on carrying guns on taxed land was in effect a prohibition against armed trespass on “improved land” closed to the public. B. Sawers, Keeping Up With the Joneses, 111 Mich. L. Rev. First Impressions 21, 25–26 (2013). Indeed, the very text of the statute targets “trespass[ers],” so its regulation of improved land naturally referred to private property closed to the public. 1771 N. J. Laws §1, pp. 26–27. This inference becomes even clearer from the fact that a separate provision of the statute targeted hunting on “unimproved” lands not closed to the public. §6.

22 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

Opinion of the Court

owner might have otherwise harvested. It involved the firing of guns, which created a risk of inadvertently inflicting

death or serious injury on the owner of the property, others

who were authorized to use the property, and livestock. At

a minimum, the sound of the gunshots could surprise,

alarm, or disturb the tranquility of others on the property.

The conduct restricted by the Hawaii law has none of

these effects. Others on the premises will not even notice a

person peacefully carrying a concealed weapon in the manner demanded by Hawaiian law.

To test whether these analogues are “relevantly similar”

to the challenged Hawaii law, we may ask the question set

out earlier: “Because it was accepted that prohibiting unauthorized hunting on private land was consistent with the

Second Amendment right, can we infer that it is also consistent with that right to ban a person who is lawfully carrying a concealed handgun for self-defense from entering a

gas station, coffee shop, grocery store, or other private property open to the public without express and unambiguous

consent?” The question answers itself. The gap between

the State’s anti-poaching analogues and its new rule is just

too wide.

2

The State’s two remaining analogues are even weaker.

The first is an 1893 Oregon law that prohibited anyone

“other than an officer on lawful business, [from] being

armed . . . or trespass[ing] upon any enclosed premises or

lands without the consent of the owner.” 1893 Ore. Laws

p. 79. On its face, it is not clear that this statute is relevant to the issue before us. For one thing, even if commercial

establishments that are open to the public were considered

“enclosed” at the time of the adoption of the Bill of Rights,

see n. 13, supra, no Oregon authority shows that the Oregon

statute used the term to refer to such establishments. To

the contrary, Oregon courts have interpreted the phrase

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 23

Opinion of the Court

“enclosed land” as outdoor land surrounded by a “visible or

distinctive line that demonstrates its separation from contiguous properties,” such that a hunter would know to seek

permission before hunting. See State v. Kimble, 236 Ore.

App. 613, 619–620, 273 P. 3d 871, 874, (2010). It is thus

unlikely that the 1893 Oregon law used the term “enclosed”

to refer to businesses open to the public rather than to private lands on which poaching was a problem. Moreover, the

statute does not demand that consent be express. But even

if this provision is read as Hawaii would have it, a lone statute adopted nearly a century after the adoption of the Second Amendment and well after the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment sheds little if any light on the meaning

of the Second Amendment right.

Finally, we come to the State’s most remarkable analogue, an 1865 Louisiana statute that made it unlawful “for

any person or persons to carry fire-arms on the premises or

plantations of any citizen, without the consent of the owner

or proprietor, other than in lawful discharge of a civil or

military order.” 1865 La. Acts No. 10, §1, p. 14. Regardless

of this provision’s pedigree, it has no probative value for

present purposes. As we have said, in considering the probative value of a historical analogue, we must consider

whether it was widespread, well-known, and widely accepted. See Bruen, 597 U. S., at 35. Because this statute

was neither widespread nor widely accepted, it carries no

weight.

We could stop there, but there is another reason for rejecting Hawaii’s reliance on this statute. It was adopted by

the Louisiana Legislature between the end of the Civil War

and the beginning of Reconstruction. When the war ended,

the legislatures in defeated Confederate States quickly enacted so-called Black Codes that aimed to perpetuate the

24 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

Opinion of the Court

subjugation of blacks.17 The statute Hawaii cites was part

of Louisiana’s Black Code, and it provided a tool for disarming blacks and thus leaving them defenseless against attacks. See 125 F. 4th, at 1239 (VanDyke, J., dissenting from

denial of reh’g en banc).

As we laid out in McDonald, the right to keep and bear

arms was crucially important for vulnerable blacks during

this period. See 561 U. S., at 757, 771, 776–779; id., at 843– 846 (opinion of THOMAS, J.). And this was well-understood

by the Republicans in Congress who were responsible for

drafting, approving, and securing the ratification of the

Fourteenth Amendment. The Republican Party Platforms

of 1856 and 1860 called for protection of the right to keep

and bear arms for self-defense. Unless we put history entirely out of our minds, Hawaii’s claim that this tainted artifact illuminates the original understanding of the right to

keep and bear arms cannot be taken seriously.

* * *

The Hawaii law at issue here violates the constitutional

right to keep and bear arms. Therefore, the judgment of the

Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the

case is remanded for further proceedings consistent with

this opinion.

It is so ordered.

17 See, e.g., E. Foner, The Second Founding: How the Civil War and

Reconstruction Remade the Constitution 47–49 (2019).

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 1

BARRETT, J., concurring

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

No. 24–1046

JASON WOLFORD, ET AL., PETITIONERS v. ANNE E.

LOPEZ, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF HAWAII

ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF

APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT

[June 25, 2026]

JUSTICE BARRETT, with whom JUSTICE THOMAS and

JUSTICE GORSUCH join as to Part II–B, concurring.

I join the Court’s opinion in full. I write to add a few

points about why Hawaii’s law triggers—and fails—Second

Amendment scrutiny.

I

Hawaii and the principal dissent insist that this is a case

about property law, not the Second Amendment. The argument goes like this: No one has the right to enter private

property—let alone to bring firearms onto it—without the

owner’s consent. Brief for Respondent 14–15. Whether consent can be implied or must be express depends on local custom and property rules, which States have always had authority to modify. Id., at 15–16. By requiring express

consent, Hawaii has simply modified a default rule of property law. And because the “ ‘pre-existing [Second Amendment] right’ ” did not require any particular default rule,

Hawaii’s law does not even implicate the Second Amendment. Id., at 13 (quoting New York State Rifle & Pistol

Assn., Inc. v. Bruen, 597 U. S. 1, 20 (2022)); see post, at 6– 13 (JACKSON, J., dissenting). No further analysis is necessary.

This argument misunderstands the role of historical evidence in a Second Amendment challenge. Bruen

2 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

BARRETT, J., concurring

establishes a two-part test for assessing whether a modern

law is consistent with the Second Amendment. See 597

U. S., at 24. Each step requires a court to look at different

evidence—plain text at the first, tradition at the second—

but together, the two steps illuminate the original scope of

the right. See ibid. While history is relevant to both steps,

it plays a different “rol[e]” at each one. United States v.

Rahimi, 602 U. S. 680, 738 (2024) (BARRETT, J., concurring). We look to history that “elucidates how contemporaries understood the text—for example, the meaning of the

phrase ‘bear Arms’ ”—at Bruen’s first step. 602 U. S., at

738–739. We save “historical gun regulations,” however, for

Bruen’s second step. 602 U. S., at 739.1

In this case, Bruen’s first step is easily satisfied. Petitioners are members of “the people” and wish to “bear”

“Arms” onto private property held open to the public. U. S.

Const., Amdt. 2. Hawaii’s law makes it a crime for

“A [licensed] person carrying a firearm [to] intentionally, knowingly, or recklessly enter or remain on private property of another person while carrying a loaded

or unloaded firearm, whether the firearm is operable

or not, and whether the firearm is concealed or unconcealed, unless the person has been given express authorization to carry a firearm on the property by the

owner, lessee, operator, or manager of the property.”

Haw. Rev. Stat. §134–9.5(a) (2023).

1 The principal dissent erroneously claims that this division leaves

judges “free to insert any meaning they desire into the text of the Second Amendment.” Post, at 17 (opinion of JACKSON, J.). No one disputes that the Second Amendment’s text has a fixed meaning that must be satisfied before a law is deemed presumptively unconstitutional. See ante, at 7 (identifying “three subsidiary questions” that must be answered at Bruen’s first step). The disagreement is instead whether courts can smuggle additional limits, drawn from our regulatory tradition, into the plain-text stage of the inquiry. The answer is and always has been no.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 3

BARRETT, J., concurring

This is obviously a “regulat[ion]” of “arms-bearing conduct,”

so it falls within the Second Amendment’s plain text.

Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 691. Whether the law nevertheless

comports with our historical tradition of firearm regulation—including the traditional property laws that Hawaii

invokes today—is a question for Bruen’s second step, not its

first.

It is irrelevant, for purposes of the Amendment’s plain

text, that a property owner has the right to exclude anyone

who wishes to enter her property with firearms. No one

doubts that all property owners in Hawaii could bar the

carry of arms on their respective premises, if they wanted

to. But the Second Amendment does not apply to private

parties. It does apply to the States. See U. S. Const., Amdt.

14, §1. And when a State enacts a property law that regulates arms-bearing conduct, that law implicates the Second

Amendment.2

Consider how Hawaii and the principal dissent’s argument would play out in another context. What if a State

made it a crime to wear religious head garb (say, a hijab)

onto private property open to the public without obtaining

express authorization? Could that statute evade constitutional scrutiny? On Hawaii and the principal dissent’s

logic, the answer is apparently yes: No one has the right to

enter another’s property without permission, and the State

has merely adjusted the default to require permission to be

clear. But that is plainly wrong. Because the law regulates

religious and expressive conduct, its enactment is state action that triggers First Amendment scrutiny. Cf. Martin v.

2 If Hawaii and the principal dissent were right that the Second

Amendment does not kick in until a property owner gives consent, one wonders: Could a State simply prohibit its citizens from authorizing the carry of firearms onto their property? This would certainly interfere with the liberty of property owners, but it is hard to see how, on Hawaii and the principal dissent’s logic, the Second Amendment would come into play.

4 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

BARRETT, J., concurring

City of Struthers, 319 U. S. 141, 143 (1943) (municipal ordinance prohibiting door-to-door solicitation violates the First Amendment).

The same goes for a default rule, like Hawaii’s, that targets the right to bear arms. Property laws, no less than

other laws, are subject to constitutional limits. See ante, at 18, n. 13. So when a property law “restrict[s]” the bearing

of arms, ante, at 7, the State must prove that the law abides

by the limits of the Second Amendment.

II

The Second Amendment secures the pre-existing right of

the people to have and carry weapons for their defense. But

that right was not unlimited at the founding, and it is not

unlimited today. See District of Columbia v. Heller, 554

U. S. 570, 626 (2008). Now, as then, States may regulate

the keeping and bearing of arms so long as they do not “infring[e]” the right, as originally understood. U. S. Const.,

Amdt. 2. To determine when a modern regulation crosses

the line, we assess whether it comports with “the Nation’s

historical tradition of firearm regulation.” Bruen, 597 U. S., at 24. By asking “why” and “how” States historically regulated the right, we can identify the range of permissible regulatory goals and how far States may go to achieve them.

Id., at 29. Both the end pursued and means deployed must

be “consistent with the principles that underpin our regulatory tradition.” Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 692.

Under Hawaii’s new default rule, no licensed individual

(with narrow exceptions) can carry a gun onto someone

else’s property, even if it is held open to the public, without express and unambiguous authorization. Haw. Rev. Stat.

§134–9.5(a) (2023). Hawaii explains that this law reflects

Hawaiians’ aversion to the public carry of weapons—an attitude reinforced by almost two centuries of restrictive gun

laws. See 2023 Haw. Sess. Laws 114 (explaining that the

default rule was enacted “based on the legislature’s

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 5

BARRETT, J., concurring

assessment of public sentiment and broadly shared preferences within the State”); Brief for Respondent 6–7, 21–22.

The State represents that Hawaiians do not think that people should be able to carry guns onto private property—

even if it is held open to the public—unless they obtain express consent. See id., at 6. In fact, the overwhelming majority of Hawaiians agree that “loaded, concealed firearms

should not be allowed into businesses at all.” Id., at 7 (emphasis in original). These attitudes appear to reflect the

State’s “Aloha Spirit,” which, as explained by the Supreme

Court of Hawaii, “clashes with a federally-mandated lifestyle that lets citizens walk around with deadly weapons

during day-to-day activities.” State v. Wilson, 154 Haw. 8,

27, 543 P. 3d 440, 459 (2024).

To satisfy Bruen, Hawaii must identify historical laws

that pursued an analogous goal in an analogous way. Hawaii draws two analogies: one to 18th-century antipoaching

laws and the other to 19th-century laws that were mostly

designed to suppress newly freed blacks. Unsurprisingly,

the analogies fail.3

3 Hawaii and the principal dissent also claim that the new law merely

“codifie[s]” the State’s customary implied license. Post, at 12; see Brief for Respondent 21–22. The Court rightly rejects this argument. See ante, at 16–19. I will add only that Hawaii and the principal dissent offer no evidence that, before the new default rule, Hawaiians had a custom of requiring express consent before an individual could carry firearms onto property held open to the public. See I. Ayres & S. Jonnalagadda, Guests With Guns: Public Support for “No Carry” Defaults on Private Land, 48 J. Law, Med. & Ethics 183, 184, App. 2 (2020) (Table A1) (explaining that Hawaii previously lacked a “no carry” default for private property and retail establishments); cf. post, at 10 (conceding that the common law implied license “might generally include the ability to enter armed”). So when Hawaii and the principal dissent invoke Hawaii’s unique “custom,” post, at 12; Brief for Respondent 22, they are really invoking the State’s longstanding prohibition on public carry—a regime that we held unconstitutional in New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn., Inc. v. Bruen, 597 U. S. 1, 15, n. 2, 39 (2022).

6 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

BARRETT, J., concurring

A

Hawaii first points to several 18th-century laws that,

broadly speaking, prohibited the carry of firearms onto certain property without the owner’s consent. See ante, at 19–

21. Hawaii argues that these laws stand for the principle

that a State may “vindicate a property owner’s right to control whether and under what conditions the public enters

his property” by “condition[ing] . . . entry on obtaining the

property owner’s consent.” Brief for Respondent 28. But

that is pitched at too high a level of generality. Because

Hawaii’s law applies only to the carry of firearms onto property held open to the public, the State must offer a justification for singling out firearms for disfavored treatment.

Cf. Bruen, 597 U. S., at 29 (asking “how and why the regulations burden a law-abiding citizen’s right to armed selfdefense” (emphasis added)). On that score, the reason is

clear: Hawaiians disapprove of people carrying guns in public. The problem for Hawaii, however, is that the 18th-century laws support neither the end that Hawaii pursues nor

the means that it deploys, so they cannot justify Hawaii’s

default rule.

Start with the “why” of the 18th-century laws. As the

Court explains, ante, at 21–22, they were enacted in response to the various “abuses, damages and inconveniences” caused “by persons carrying guns and presuming to

hunt on other people’s lands,” 1721 Pa. Laws ch. 246, §3

(preamble), in 3 The Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania

From 1682 to 1801, p. 255 (J. Mitchell & H. Flanders eds.

1896). Perhaps chief among these was significant damage

to property. One colony complained that “great Numbers of

idle and disorderly Persons” would “hunt with Fire-Arms”

and “tread down the Grass, and Corn and other Grain

standing and growing in the Fields and Inclosures” in the

process, causing “Ruin and Destruction [to] the most valuable Improvements.” Act of Dec. 20, 1763, ch. 1233, preamble, in Laws of New-York from the Year 1691, to 1773

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 7

BARRETT, J., concurring

inclusive, p. 441 (1774). Another lamented that wandering

poachers often left deer carcasses to rot, attracting “wolves

and other beasts of prey,” and frequently destroyed cattle.

1769 S. C. Laws no. 988, in 4 The Statutes at Large of South

Carolina 310 (T. Cooper & D. McCord eds. 1838); see 1 J.

Logan, A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina

28–29 (1859). Besides damaging property, poachers also

deprived the landowner of game that was rightfully his.

See M. Brady, Property v. Guns: The Level-of-Generality

Problem in Wolford, 78 Stan. L. Rev. Online 156, 165 (2026)

(Brady). Finally, fellow hunters and innocent bystanders

were often put in harm’s way; founding-era newspapers

were replete with stories of injuries or deaths caused by inadvertent gunfire. See T. Lund, American Wildlife Law 32

(1980); Brady 167–168. Poaching and its associated harms

were thus a common problem throughout the 18th century.

By requiring hunters to obtain permission before carrying

firearms onto another’s property, legislatures aimed to minimize the risk of incidental harm to persons and property.

Yet the 18th-century laws were targeted in “how” they

combated the dangers of poaching: They imposed a default

rule rather than a flat prohibition, and they generally confined it to places where poaching was likely to occur.4 For

example, Pennsylvania’s 1721 law and New Jersey’s 1722

law each applied only to “improved or inclosed lands of any

plantation.” 1721 Pa. Laws ch. 246, §3, at 255; see 1722

N. J. Laws ch. 35, §4, in Acts of the General Assembly of the

Province of New-Jersey 101 (S. Nevill ed. 1752) (“improved

4 The principal dissent claims that New Jersey’s 1771 law was more

sweeping and covered property that was open to the public. Post, at 21; see 1771 N. J. Laws ch. 540, §1, in Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New-Jersey 344 (S. Allinson ed. 1776) (covering “any Lands not his own, and for which the Owner pays Taxes, or is in his lawful Possession”). As the Court explains, there are reasons to doubt this claim. See ante, at 21, n. 16. But even if the principal dissent were correct, New Jersey’s rule would have been an “outlie[r]” for the period. Bruen, 597 U. S., at 65.

8 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

BARRETT, J., concurring

or inclosed Lands in any Plantation”). In other words, they

covered fenced or developed areas of a “cultivated estate” or

“farm.” 2 N. Webster, An American Dictionary of the English Language (1828) (defining “plantation”); see Brady 173

(“ ‘Enclosure’ and ‘improvement’ were visible ways a party

could claim possession”); see also, e.g., 1763 N. Y. Laws

ch. 1233, §1, at 442 (covering “any Orchard, Garden, CornField, or other inclosed Land”). Similarly, Massachusetts’s

1790 law applied to several small islands where “great

numbers of sheep and deer” had been killed and “other

damages sustained,” and where “the few persons residing

on said islands [could] not give proper security.” Act of Jan. 30, preamble, 1790 Mass. Laws 259. In this way, legislatures confined the default rule to places where poaching

was rampant, while leaving individuals free to carry arms

across other kinds of property—including property customarily open to the public. See McKee v. Gratz, 260 U. S. 127,

136 (1922) (explaining that it was then “customary to wander, shoot and fish at will” across “the large expanses of unenclosed and uncultivated land” “until the owner s[aw] fit

to prohibit it”). They did not broadly restrict the carry of

firearms in public.

What, then, is the regulatory principle that justified

these laws? Some might zero in on the fact that they targeted poaching and conclude that a modern law is not “relevantly similar” if it addresses something other than hunting. Cf. Brief for Petitioners 33–34. That focus, however,

is too narrow.5 Colonial legislatures targeted poaching because that was the particular misconduct that they happened to confront. But “[t]he regulatory challenges posed

by firearms today are not always the same as those that

preoccupied” earlier generations. Bruen, 597 U. S., at 27.

5 On this much, I agree with the principal dissent: “[T]o set the principle of Hawaii’s analogues at ‘poaching’ is to demand a historical twin.” Post, at 24.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 9

BARRETT, J., concurring

Today, the right to bear arms is misused in other ways that

were unknown to our forebears but pose an equivalent risk

to persons or property. The antipoaching laws support the

principle that when a State identifies specific places that

are prone to particular “abuse[s]” of the right, W. Rawle,

View of the Constitution of the United States of America

123 (1825), it can respond with “focused regulations” to address the threat, Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 700.

So the problem with Hawaii’s default rule is not that it

targets a regulatory problem besides poaching. It is that

the rule does not target any particular abuse of firearms at

all. Rather than identifying a specific threat to public peace and safety, Hawaii admits that it enacted the rule because

many of its citizens oppose the public carry of guns. In

other words, Hawaii is responding to the general danger associated with the presence of firearms, not to any specific,

heightened risk of their misuse. See 2023 Haw. Sess. Laws

114 (invoking general “risks to public health, safety, and

welfare associated with firearms and gun violence”). And

rather than confining the rule to specific places where firearms are likely to be misused, Hawaii applies it to all private property, even property held open to the public. From

the hardware store, to the gas station, to the fast-food restaurant—individuals cannot carry weapons for self-defense

unless they obtain express consent.6

The 18th-century hunting regulations do not support

such a rule. Mere disapproval of protected conduct is not a

valid reason to severely restrict it.

6 Hawaii already prohibits the carry of firearms in places that it deems

sensitive, including schools, banks, and establishments serving alcohol. See Haw. Rev. Stat. §§134–9.1(a)(8), (12), (4). So Hawaii cannot credibly say that the separate default rule, which applies to all private property, targets anything more specific than the general risk associated with the carry of firearms.

10 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

BARRETT, J., concurring

B

Hawaii also notes that several States enacted similar default rules in the mid-to-late 19th-century.7 These laws get

Hawaii nowhere.

Once again, look to their “why.” Hawaii offers no evidence that these laws were designed to vindicate the community’s aversion to people carrying guns in public. Nor is

it plausible that they rested on such a basis. At the time,

guns were commonly owned for self-defense and hunting,

and that trend only increased when many Civil War veterans brought their weapons home. See T. Lansford, The

Early History of Guns: From Colonial Times to the Civil

War, in 1 Guns and Contemporary Society 28 (G. Utter ed.

2016). And while state courts often upheld gun regulations

during this period, they did so because the States were pursuing specific regulatory ends, not because they were hostile to gun rights. See, e.g., State v. Chandler, 5 La. Ann.

489, 489–490 (1850); Cockrum v. State, 24 Tex. 394, 401–

402 (1859); Sutton v. State, 12 Fla. 135, 136–137 (1867).

In fact, Hawaii does not dispute that most of the 19thcentury laws were understood not to address the carry of

guns in general but to curtail the freedom of blacks in particular.8 After the Civil War, the labor market in the South

7 The Court has consistently reserved whether the relevant timeframe

for assessing the Second Amendment’s original meaning, as applied to the States, is 1791 or 1868. See United States v. Hemani, 608 U. S. ___, ___, n. 3 (2026) (slip op., at 7, n. 3). Today’s opinion rightly declines to resolve this question.

8 The exception is Oregon’s 1893 law, which appears to have been a

hunting regulation. See The Eugene Guard, May 15, 1893, p. 2, col. 2, https://www.newspapers.com/image/131045758 (archived at https:// perma.cc/7MHJ-QC4A) (“The last legislature passed a very stringent hunting law”); Albany Weekly Herald, Sept. 28, 1893, p. 3, col. 4, https://www.newspapers.com/image/565701266 (archived at https:// perma.cc/H5AC-ENC8) (“THE TRESPASS LAW. Hunters Will Find Its

Provisions Rather Stringent”). As the Court explains, this law is distinguishable on other grounds. See ante, at 22–23.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 11

BARRETT, J., concurring

was a source of “considerable irritation” to the white landowning class. J. Taylor, Louisiana Reconstructed, 1863–

1877, p. 90 (1974) (Taylor). Newly emancipated slaves were

“prone to test [their] freedom by coming and going as [they]

pleased,” ibid., and their liberty to forage, hunt, and fish for food reduced their incentive to work on plantations, see B.

Sawers, Race and Property After the Civil War: Creating

the Right To Exclude, 87 Miss. L. J. 703, 741–743 (2018)

(Sawers). Now forced to compete for black labor, white

landowners “resented” how blacks could provide for themselves, E. Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished

Revolution, 1863–1877, p. 203 (updated ed. 2014) (Foner),

and concluded that they would not work on plantations unless compelled to do so, Taylor 90–91. So Southern States

enacted a series of harsh laws, known as the Black Codes,

to “ ‘stabilize the black work force and limit its economic options apart from plantation labor.’ ” Timbs v. Indiana, 586

U. S. 146, 168 (2019) (THOMAS, J., concurring in judgment);

see post, at 26–27 (JACKSON, J., dissenting).

Louisiana was one of those States. In 1865, three of its

local governments enacted sweeping measures that one observer described as restoring “slavery in substance.”

S. Exec. Doc. No. 2, 39th Cong., 1st Sess., 96 (1865). Among

other things, these ordinances prohibited blacks from renting or keeping a house within town limits, barred them

from entering the town without permission of their employers, and forbade them from carrying weapons without authorization. Id., at 92–96. Fearing backlash from Congress, the state government opted for a subtler approach.

See W. Caskey, Secession and Restoration of Louisiana 187

(1938). In the fall of that same year, the Democratic-controlled legislature convened a special session and tasked a

joint committee with proposing legislation “ ‘to make [freedmen’s] labor available to the agricultural interests of the

State.’ ” T. Wilson, The Black Codes of the South 78 (1965).

The resulting package of laws was facially neutral, id., at

12 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

BARRETT, J., concurring

78–79, but no one was under any illusions about its true

aims. As the eventual mayor of New Orleans remarked, the

“ ‘whole thought and time’ ” of the special session was

“ ‘given to plans for getting things back as near to slavery

as possible.’ ” Foner 199; see Taylor 101 (“It was understood

when [Louisiana’s vagrancy law] was passed that it was to

be used against blacks but not against whites”). Ostensibly

neutral measures like these, we have recognized, were really “consciously conceived methods of resurrecting the incidents of slavery.” General Building Contractors Assn.,

Inc. v. Pennsylvania, 458 U. S. 375, 387 (1982).

One provision of Louisiana’s Black Code was the default

rule that Hawaii invokes today. At the time, Louisiana apparently did not restrict by statute where individuals could

hunt for game. See Sawers 746, 748; see Fur, Fin, and

Feather: Containing the Game Laws of the Principal States

of the United States, and Canada 52 (4th ed. 1868). But

under the State’s 1865 law, no one was permitted to carry

firearms “on the premises or plantations” of another without his permission. 1865 La. Acts No. 10, §1, p. 14. Like

the other components of Louisiana’s Black Code, this law

was designed to control black labor: It “restricted the ability of blacks to feed themselves on open land,” thus “pushing

[them] into the agricultural labor market.” Sawers 748; cf.

Foner 203 (explaining that “by limiting hunting,” Southern

States “made it more difficult for blacks to obtain food or

income without working on plantations”). In addition, by

presumptively banning the carry of firearms on private

property, the law put blacks “at a further disadvantage in

protecting themselves” against private violence. B. Crouch,

“All the Vile Passions”: The Texas Black Code of 1866, 97

S. W. Hist. Q. 12, 29 (1993); see 3 Cong. Rec. 1648 (1875)

(Report of Rep. Hoar) (describing Louisiana’s law as

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 13

BARRETT, J., concurring

“depriving the great mass of the colored laborers of the

State of the right to keep and bear arms”).9

It is beyond me why Hawaii would claim that these vile

laws can justify its present-day restriction. We can put

aside the question whether they are legitimate evidence of

the Second Amendment’s scope, post, at 30–32 (opinion of

JACKSON, J.), because regardless, they do not help Hawaii.

The State seems to think Bruen is a matching game: Southern States enacted broad default rules, Hawaii reasons, so

it can do the same today. But even if Hawaii is right that

the how is analogous, it also must identify an analogous

why. The Black Codes were enacted to subordinate newly

freed slaves.10 Hawaii obviously does not contend that its

law promotes an analogous interest. So its law and the default rules in the Black Codes are not “ ‘relevantly similar.’ ” Bruen, 597 U. S., at 29. Most would take that as a compliment.

9 Two of Hawaii’s other laws from 1866—one from Texas and the other

from Florida—were similarly part of their respective State’s Black Code. See Crouch, 97 S. W. Hist. Q., at 12, 22–23, 28–29; J. Richardson, Florida Black Codes, 47 Fla. Hist. Q. 365, 375, n. 34 (1968). Florida’s Black Code was notoriously aggressive, even for its time. See T. Wilson, The Black Codes of the South 96 (1965). For instance, the committee that proposed the laws described slavery as a “benign” and “greatly misunderstood” institution that had ensured a “well regulated labor system,” and believed its task was to “devis[e] a plan to make the labor of the emancipated slave available” again. Fla. Senate J. 56 (1865).

10 The principal dissent contends that the Black Codes shared a “why”

with the 18th-century laws because all “were enacted to prevent poaching and other related harms.” Post, at 30, n. 17. But the relevant question under Bruen, 597 U. S. 1, is not simply whether two laws targeted similar conduct. It is instead why they targeted that conduct—that is, what “reason” justified the restriction. United States v. Rahimi, 602 U. S. 680, 692 (2024). For the 18th-century laws, it was the risk of harm to persons and property caused by hunting. For the Black Codes, it was the ability of blacks to provide for themselves without working on plantations. Because the two sets of laws did not share an analogous justification, they do not stand for the same regulatory principle.

14 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

BARRETT, J., concurring

* * *

Applying old principles to new circumstances is not always easy. This case, however, is not hard. While most

Hawaiians might prefer that no one carry firearms in public

places, a majority’s opposition to a constitutional right is

not a permissible basis for restricting it. After all, “[t]he

very purpose of a Bill of Rights was to withdraw certain

subjects from the vicissitudes of political controversy” and

“to place them beyond the reach of majorities and officials.”

West Virginia Bd. of Ed. v. Barnette, 319 U. S. 624, 638

(1943).

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 1

KAGAN, J., dissenting

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

No. 24–1046

JASON WOLFORD, ET AL., PETITIONERS v. ANNE E.

LOPEZ, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF HAWAII

ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF

APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT

[June 25, 2026]

JUSTICE KAGAN, dissenting.

I would uphold the challenged Hawaii law because, as

JUSTICE JACKSON shows in Part III of her opinion, it is a

modern-day analogue of colonial and founding era laws that

similarly prohibited carrying firearms onto private property without the owner’s affirmative consent. See post, at

18–25. The “how” is identical: The new law, just like the

old ones, sets a default rule against gun carry that a private landowner may reverse. The “why” is sufficiently close.

Both sets of laws respond to the dangers and harms that

someone with a gun can cause on another person’s property.

That the old laws had a special (though by no means exclusive) concern with poaching does not matter. “The regulatory challenges posed by firearms today are not always the

same as those that preoccupied” earlier generations. New

York State Rifle & Pistol Assn., Inc. v. Bruen, 597 U. S. 1,

27 (2022). The key question is whether the challenged regulation is “consistent with the principles that underpin our

regulatory tradition.” United States v. Rahimi, 602 U. S.

680, 692 (2024) (emphasis added). Here, the challenged law

is consistent with those principles because it reflects, as the old laws did, the perceived “abuses, damages and inconveniences” that can be caused by persons carrying guns “on

other people’s lands.” 1721 Pa. Laws ch. 246, §3 (preamble),

in 3 The Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania From 1682 to

2 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

KAGAN, J., dissenting

1801, p. 255 (J. Mitchell & H. Flanders eds. 1896). That

conclusion is enough for me to resolve this case, without addressing Bruen’s step-one inquiry or the use at step two of

Louisiana’s Black Code. I therefore respectfully dissent.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 1

JACKSON, J., dissenting

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

No. 24–1046

JASON WOLFORD, ET AL., PETITIONERS v. ANNE E.

LOPEZ, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF HAWAII

ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF

APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT

[June 25, 2026]

JUSTICE JACKSON, with whom JUSTICE SOTOMAYOR joins,

dissenting.

Today the Court declares unconstitutional Hawaii’s efforts to protect the rights of its residents—both those who

wish to carry guns and those who prefer that guns are not

carried on their private property without their express permission. To hear the majority tell it, Hawaii’s law is a blatant attempt to end-run our Second Amendment precedents. But the statute at issue does no such thing. Instead,

it fairly applies a first principle of property law—the right

to exclude—and does no harm to the Second Amendment.

The majority thinks otherwise; it reaches today’s result

by purporting to apply the test we established in New York

State Rifle & Pistol Assn., Inc. v. Bruen, 597 U. S. 1 (2022). But the majority gets both the Bruen test and its application wrong. Hawaii’s law does not implicate the Second

Amendment because there is no right to carry a gun onto

private property without consent (as all agree), and the

Constitution does not dictate the form of that required consent. And even if the Second Amendment were implicated

here, Hawaii has proffered ample analogues demonstrating

a history and tradition of States protecting their residents’

property rights by requiring those wishing to carry guns

onto private property to get express consent from the property owner before doing so.

2 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

For what it is worth, I think Bruen was wrongly decided.

But if it is going to be our precedent, the majority should at least endeavor to apply it faithfully. I respectfully dissent

because the majority has failed to do so here, and its

analysis and conclusion only further bind the hands of modern legislatures attempting to balance and protect their residents’ interests. With this decision, the Court has now manipulated Bruen into a free-for-all that lets the Judiciary

thwart the will of legislatures by privileging access to firearms above all else. Today’s decision makes one thing clear:

The Court’s objective is protecting guns, not consistently

preserving any principle of law.

I

Since its time as a sovereign kingdom, Hawaii has never

permitted the widespread carrying of firearms in its territory. In 1833, King Kamehameha III of the Kingdom of Hawaii prohibited the possession of “dangerous weapon[s].”

Translation of the Constitution and Laws of the Hawaiian

Islands, Established in the Reign of Kamehameha III 163

(1842) (reprint 1934) (targeting possession of any “knife,

sword-cane, or any other dangerous weapon”). Hawaii

maintained this tradition of strictly regulating weapons

both before and after it was annexed as a U. S. territory in

1898. See, e.g., Act of May 25, 1852, §1, 1852 Haw. Sess.

Laws 19 (expanding definition of deadly weapons); Haw.

Rev. Laws, ch. 209, §3089 (1905), as amended by Act of Mar.

19, 1913, §1, 1913 Haw. Sess. Laws 25.

In 1927, Hawaii began regulating firearms in particular

by carefully controlling who may carry them. Act 206, §5,

1927 Haw. Sess. Laws 209–211. Such regulation continued

even after statehood in 1959, when Hawaii began allowing

private gun ownership but only if the applicant could show

an “exceptional case.” Act 163, §1, 1961 Haw. Sess. Laws

215. Thus, “[t]he history of the Hawaiian Islands does not

include a society where armed people move about the

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 3

JACKSON, J., dissenting

community.” State v. Wilson, 154 Haw. 8, 27, 543 P. 3d 440,

459 (2024).

That custom continued until very recently. Prior to this

Court’s decision in Bruen, Hawaii issued concealed-carry

permits only in “exceptional case[s],” which required “an

applicant [to] sho[w] reason to fear injury to the applicant’s person or property.” Haw. Rev. Stat. §134–9(a) (2011). The

result? Hawaiians have rarely carried (or encountered others carrying) guns.

Following Bruen’s rejection of licensing schemes like Hawaii’s, the State was forced to alter its long-standing tradition. To accomplish this, it enacted Act 52, which allowed

for concealed-carry permits to issue after applicants passed

a background check and underwent a training process. See

2023 Haw. Sess. Laws 113–136. Act 52 also restricted

where and how license holders could carry their guns. See

§2, id., at 114–119 (codified at Haw. Rev. Stat. §§134–9 to

134–9.5 (2023)).

One problem that Hawaii confronted as it undertook to

implement Act 52 was how best to protect Hawaiians who,

accustomed to the traditional practice, might not be aware

that gun laws were changing to allow for armed—and concealed—carry in everyday life. In particular, given Hawaii’s history, private property owners were unlikely to expect guns to be carried onto their property or to know that

they needed to take steps if they did not wish to permit

armed entry. See Wilson, 154 Haw., at 27, 543 P. 3d, at 459

(noting lack of custom of armed carry). The community was

up in arms about this (so to speak). Hawaii’s Legislature

held hearings and received testimony from residents and

the business community indicating that private property

4 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

owners did not want people carrying guns onto their property without their express consent.1

This input from Hawaii’s residents mirrored evidence

from around the country. One nationwide study revealed

widespread public misunderstanding about whether it was

lawful to bring a gun onto private property. See I. Ayres &

S. Jonnalagadda, Guests With Guns: Public Support for “No

Carry” Defaults on Private Land, 48 J. Law Med. & Ethics

183, App. 8, Table A5 (2020). Not only that, but the study’s

respondents generally had preferences against armed carry

in certain spaces, even spaces open to the public. See id.,

at 186 (“Only about one-quarter of respondents (25.1%) expressed support for a default right of employees to bring

guns into their places of employment . . . . A larger, but still minority proportion of respondents (44.2%), believe customers, by default, should be allowed to carry into retail establishments”); id., at 185, Table 1.

A straightforward solution emerged: Act 52 would require gun owners to get affirmative consent from the property owner before carrying a firearm onto private property.

See id., at 188–189 (suggesting this approach). Hawaii codified this affirmative-consent solution in §134–9.5, prohibiting a concealed-carry permit holder from carrying a handgun onto private property unless the permit holder has

“been given express authorization to carry a firearm on the

property by the owner, lessee, operator, or manager of the

property,” or agent thereof. §134–9.5. Under §134–9.5(b),

such express authorization could be either by

1 See, e.g., Hawaii House of Representatives Committee on Finance,

Public Hearing on Senate Bill HI SB 1230, at 3:32:24 to 3:32:38 (Apr. 5, 2023), youtube.com/watch?v=nwDy5fqtzTg (archived at https://perma.cc/62GZ-YJJ8) (testimony of G. Abrena-Agas) (“We support allowing owners of private property to choose whether they want to opt in to authorizing concealed carry on their properties and also choose to opt in to providing signage on their properties for that”).

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 5

JACKSON, J., dissenting

“[u]nambiguous written or verbal authorization” or by

“[t]he posting of clear and conspicuous signage at the entrance of the building or on the premises.”

Section 134–9.5 thus helped narrow the informational

asymmetry caused by the potential sea change in Hawaii’s

gun-possession rates. Indeed, the enacted law stated that

the legislature had adopted the rule to “respec[t] the right

of private individuals and entities to choose for themselves

whether to allow or restrict the carrying of firearms on their property” and to promote “public health, safety, and welfare.” 2023 Haw. Sess. Laws 114. By enacting §134–9.5,

Hawaii chose to protect the unaware property owner while

leaving open to gun owners the opportunity to carry firearms where consent has been provided.

Notably, in making this choice, Hawaii was not alone. It

joined four other States that had similar laws. See Cal. Penal Code Ann. §26230(a)(26) (West Cum. Supp. 2025); N. J.

Stat. Ann. §2C:58–4.6(a)(24) (West 2024); Md. Crim. Law

Code Ann. §6–411 (Supp. 2025); N. Y. Penal Law Ann.

§265.01–d(1) (West 2025).

II

Petitioners believe that having to ask for permission to

carry a firearm onto private property open to the public is

an unconstitutional burden on their Second Amendment

rights. But their bid to invoke the Constitution stumbles

out of the gate—at step one of this Court’s Bruen test.2

There is no constitutional right to enter private property

2 The Court’s decision in New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn., Inc. v.

Bruen, 597 U. S. 1 (2022), prescribed a two-step inquiry for assessing Second Amendment challenges to government regulation. The first step asks whether the challengers have shown that the plain text of the Second Amendment, which codified a pre-existing right to carry, covers an individual’s conduct. Id., at 24. If it does, “[t]he government must then justify its regulation by demonstrating that it is consistent with the Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.” Ibid.

6 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

without the owner’s permission, let alone with a firearm.

So the question this case presents is merely how a property

owner must communicate his decision to exclude or to invite

armed carry, including whether a State may alter the background property-law rules that set the default as one or the

other. The Second Amendment has nothing to say about

that. Petitioners’ constitutional rights are thus not implicated here, and their claim should meet its end at Bruen’s

first step.

To avoid this obvious outcome, the majority has to reconceptualize Bruen. Instead of applying a threshold criterion

asking whether the challengers have shown that the plain

text of the Second Amendment—which codified a preexisting right to carry—covers conduct that the challenged

law restricts, the majority essentially directs courts to start by simply asking whether a gun owner cannot do what she

wants with her firearm. Ante, at 13–14. The majority

thereby eliminates step one’s effectiveness as a means of

identifying gun-related laws that impinge on rights secured

by the Second Amendment. This move represents a significant expansion that, as applied here, obscures what

Bruen’s actual step-one analysis reveals: This case is about

property rights, not gun rights.

A

“ ‘[O]ur law holds the property of every man so sacred,

that no man can set his foot upon his neighbour’s close without his leave.’ ” Florida v. Jardines, 569 U. S. 1, 8 (2013)

(quoting Entick v. Carrington, 2 Wils. K. B. 275, 291, 95

Eng. Rep. 807, 817 (K. B. 1765)). This principle, called the

right to exclude, is the “sine qua non” of property. Cedar

Point Nursery v. Hassid, 594 U. S. 139, 150 (2021) (internal

quotation marks omitted). It is “one of the most essential

sticks in the bundle of rights that are commonly characterized as property” and is “universally held to be a

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 7

JACKSON, J., dissenting

fundamental element of the property right.” Kaiser Aetna

v. United States, 444 U. S. 164, 176, 179–180 (1979).

Stated simply, the right to exclude means that members

of the public may not enter privately owned property without the consent of the owner. To do so would be a trespass.

4 M. Wolf, Powell on Real Property §34.25, p. 34–222 (2026)

(Powell on Property); see ante, at 10. Consent to enter property is often referred to as a “license.” Powell on Property

§34.25, at 34–220. And a license is a privilege, revocable at

the will of the property owner. 8 D. Thomas, Thompson on

Real Property §64.03 (2016); Powell on Property §34.25, at

34–223 (“A license is revocable by any manifestation of the

licensor’s intent to end it”).

The consent establishing a license to enter someone else’s

property can be explicit or implicit. Id., at 34–220. The

form of consent typically depends on the nature of the private property at issue. In many places, private property

owners welcome visitors (think shops, gas stations, and the

like). Thus, as the majority notes, the public generally enjoys an implied license to enter this sort of property—that

is, private property open to the public. Ante, at 10. The

operation of the implied license in this context means that

the public can enter such property without seeking the

owner’s affirmative consent; such entry is not considered a

trespass. Ibid.; Powell on Property §34.25, at 34–222. Of

course, the owner retains the option to revoke that implied

license in whole or in part, even when operating private

property open to the public. Id., at 34–221.3

The scope of any license to enter can vary in ways that

are relevant here. First, as courts have traditionally

3 Dogs in restaurants provide one modern example. In the absence of

a regulation saying that dogs are not permitted in restaurants, the implied license for a human customer to enter a restaurant might extend to a pet, or it might not. But either way, a property owner has the option to put up a “No Dogs Allowed” sign to make clear that dogs are not welcome. See Brief for City of Baltimore et al. as Amici Curiae 16. 8 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

recognized, local custom can provide a baseline. Consider,

for instance, McKee v. Gratz, 260 U. S. 127 (1922), a case

involving button makers who had entered the plaintiff ’s

private land in search of mussel shells, id., at 134. In many

places, that entry might have been a trespass—“[t]he strict

rule of the English common law” required affirmative consent before entry. Id., at 136. But in Missouri, where the

mussel hunting took place, “[t]here was evidence that the

practice” of permitting people to enter private lands to hunt

“had prevailed.” Ibid. And that local custom mattered: The

Court explained that the English common law “must be

taken to be mitigated” by “the practice [that] had prevailed

in [the] region” where the suit originated. Ibid. In other

words, there was evidence that local custom had developed

such that the mussel hunters might have had an implied

license to enter the land. The rules governing licenses to

enter, therefore, are not universal. Rather, “ ‘[a] license

may be implied from the habits’ ” of a particular location.

Jardines, 569 U. S., at 8 (quoting McKee, 260 U. S., at 136).

Second, because States have the power to set default consent rules, state law can alter the scope of a license to enter private property. For example, the English rule was that

the public had to obtain the owner’s express permission to

hunt or fish on “unenclosed” private property. M. Brady,

Property v. Guns: The Level-of-Generality Problem in Wolford, 78 Stan. L. Rev. Online 156, 165 (2026). But some

States altered this rule via positive law. See, e.g., Pa.

Const., §43 (1776) (“[I]nhabitants of this state shall have

liberty to fowl and hunt . . . on all . . . lands . . . not inclosed”); Vt. Const., ch. 2, §39 (1777) (similar). Others retained it or variations on it. See Act of Aug. 23, 1769, 1790

S. C. Pub. L. §3, 276 (prohibiting hunting without license if

more than seven miles from home).

In all events, uniformity with respect to the scope of licenses to enter private property was never thought necessary or even desirable. Instead, local inhabitants molded

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 9

JACKSON, J., dissenting

licenses to fit local needs, both by custom and by positive

law.

B

All this makes clear that Hawaii’s law does not restrict

the right to carry a gun at all. Instead, its law vindicates

its resident’s property rights by operating on the scope of

the implied license to enter. And it does so by requiring gun

owners to seek express consent, rather than assume implied consent. See §134–9.5(b). Consequently, Hawaii’s

law simply does not implicate the Second Amendment, as

Bruen’s first step requires.

Bruen instructs that courts must start by asking whether

“the Second Amendment’s plain text covers an individual’s

conduct.” 597 U. S., at 24. But “[l]ike most rights, the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited.” District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U. S. 570, 626 (2008). The

Second Amendment “codified a pre-existing right, and preexisting limits on that right are part and parcel of it.”

United States v. Rahimi, 602 U. S. 680, 737 (2024)

(BARRETT, J., concurring). So, at Bruen’s first step, courts

must determine whether the activity asserted is part of this

pre-existing right.

Here, those pre-existing limits doom petitioners’ case.

Petitioners wish to carry guns onto private property without seeking express consent. See Brief for Petitioners 24

(arguing that the Second Amendment allows them to

“carr[y] firearms on private property open to the public

without first getting express permission from the proprietor”). Yet everyone agrees that consent is a precondition to

exercising any right to carry on private property.4 That

4 Both petitioners and the United States, as amicus curiae,

acknowledge this crucial point. See Brief for Petitioners 17 (“To be sure, a private property owner has the unquestioned right to exclude others, including those bearing arms. Petitioners have no quarrel with that 10 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

concession gives the game away: Section 134–9.5 does not

burden petitioners’ rights under the Second Amendment

because there is no right to carry a gun onto private property without the permission of the owner. The right to exclude is a long-recognized (and presently accepted) limitation on “the pre-existing right” to carry.

To be sure, the public might well have an implied license

to enter private property open to the public, and such permission might generally include the ability to enter armed.

See ante, at 10. But as I have explained, any such license

is not a matter of right—a license is a creature of state law

and custom, and it can vary accordingly. See supra, at 7–8.

Unsurprisingly, then, there are multiple historical examples of States altering the scope of implied licenses through

legislation. Under the common law of England, there was

no implied license for a person’s livestock to enter another

person’s unfenced land. But the Colonies reversed that rule

through legislation, requiring landowners to fence out

roaming livestock that they did not want on their property.

See B. Sawers, The Right To Exclude From Unimproved

Land, 83 Temp. L. Rev. 665, 679–684 (2011).

And it’s not just livestock. States have also historically

altered the scope of implied licenses to carry firearms onto

private property—the subject of today’s case. During the

founding and Reconstruction eras, multiple States passed

laws that operated on the interaction between armed carry

and the right to exclude. These laws, like Hawaii’s, required affirmative consent for armed entry onto private

property. See Act of Dec. 21, 1771, §1, Laws of the State of

New-Jersey 26 (1821) (1771 N. J. Laws) (barring visitors

from “carry[ing] any gun on any lands not his own, and for

which the owner pays taxes, or is in his lawful possession,

principle” (internal quotation marks and citation omitted)); Brief for United States as Amicus Curiae 26 (“[A]n owner may revoke [any] license” to enter private property with guns).

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 11

JACKSON, J., dissenting

unless he hath license or permission in writing from the

owner”); 1721 Pa. Laws, ch. 246, §3, in 3 The Statutes at

Large of Pennsylvania From 1682 to 1801, pp. 254–255 (J.

Mitchell & H. Flanders eds. 1896) (1721 Pa. Acts) (making

it unlawful for a person to “carry any gun or hunt on the

improved or inclosed lands of any plantation other than his

own, unless he have license or permission from the owner”);

Act of Dec. 20, 1865, No. 10, §1, 1865 La. Acts 14 (1865 La.

Acts) (“[I]t shall not be lawful for any person or persons to

carry fire-arms on the premises or plantations of any citizen, without the consent of the owner or proprietor”); Act of

Nov. 6, 1866, 2 Tex. Laws 1321 (G. Paschal ed., 4th ed.

1874) (1866 Tex. Laws) (similar).

Thus, at presumably relevant historical time periods, it

was commonly understood that the right enshrined in the

Second Amendment yields to property rights where private

property is concerned.5 Entry was, in the first instance,

subject to the right to exclude. And because state law and

custom set the bounds of the right to exclude, the scope of

one’s ability to carry firearms onto private property open to

the public, and the form of the consent required, were likewise changeable by custom or state law.

This was the backdrop against which the Second Amendment came into being (and which the Fourteenth Amendment incorporated); the right it enshrined did not protect

an unyielding liberty to carry a gun onto private property

via implied consent. In other words, the conduct here—carrying a gun onto private property without securing the

5 The Court has declined to decide the relevance of Reconstruction-era

laws to the Bruen inquiry. See United States v. Hemani, 608 U. S. ___, ___, n. 3 (2026) (slip op., at 7, n. 3) (citing Bruen, 597 U. S., at 37–38). I find no need to answer that open question now because, in this case, I view both the founding-era and Reconstruction-era laws as pointing in the same direction: toward upholding Hawaii’s law as consistent with the Second Amendment.

12 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

property owner’s express consent—is not part of the preexisting right protected by the Second Amendment.

Conceptualizing Hawaii’s law as “flipping the default,”

ante, at 10, misses the point: State law supplies the default. Yes, the historical custom in most States set the consent

rule to be implicit in most circumstances. But that custom

was by no means universal—as I have explained, some

States decided that consent to carry firearms onto private

property must be explicit. And in every instance, the States

retained the power to determine whether the required consent could be implied or had to be explicit. See Barnhill v.

Johnson, 503 U. S. 393, 398 (1992) (“In the absence of any

controlling federal law, ‘property’ and ‘interests in property’ are creatures of state law” (citing McKenzie v. Irving Trust

Co., 323 U. S. 365, 370 (1945))); Phillips Petroleum Co. v.

Mississippi, 484 U. S. 469, 484 (1988) (noting the “general

proposition [that] the law of real property is, under our Constitution, left to the individual States to develop and administer” (internal quotation marks omitted; alteration in original)).

Recognizing state autonomy in this respect is especially

appropriate here, since Hawaii has never had a custom of

armed carry. Wilson, 154 Haw., at 27, 543 P. 3d, at 459. In

this way, Hawaii’s use of its prerogative to protect the interests of its residents is consistent with its own traditions. Although the relevant principle—that the State can choose

whether an implied license exists—applies nationwide, Hawaii’s footing is especially strong because it has always effectively set its default rule in the same direction: In the

absence of the widespread availability of guns, those who

sought to carry guns onto private property open to the public in Hawaii never had an implied license to do so. Section

134–9.5 merely codified that existing norm.

The majority chastises Hawaii for seeming to argue that

the meaning of the Second Amendment should change

State-to-State. Ante, at 16–19. But the majority

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JACKSON, J., dissenting

misunderstands Hawaii’s argument. The meaning of the

Second Amendment does not vary by location. Its meaning

remains fixed: The right to carry firearms onto private

property is subject to consent. It is the form of that consent that may vary by custom or state law.6

The majority’s contrary conclusion means that, despite

yielding to property law when it comes to the fact of consent, the Second Amendment dictates its form. That disconnect

is both puzzling and unfounded. The form of consent is

simply not of constitutional dimension.

C

Rather than respond to Hawaii’s evidence that the right

to exclude resolves this case at the first step of Bruen, the

majority moves the goal posts. It announces that, at step

one, courts must look only to the “plain text” of the Second

Amendment devoid of any historical understanding. Ante,

at 7, 13. And it rejects Hawaii’s attempts to clarify the

meaning of the plain text as it relates to the relevant conduct: carrying a firearm onto private property without express consent. History, according to the majority, is “out of

place at Bruen’s first step.” Ante, at 16. Instead, the majority seeks to confine history to Bruen’s second step—when

the government must identify a history and tradition that

relevantly limits the scope of the Second Amendment right.

Ante, at 7–8; see 597 U. S., at 19. This shift is surprising,

not only as a matter of precedent but also in light of the

majority’s chosen methodology.

6 This is not abnormal. When federal constitutional law is applied to

the States, there are times when choices about state law may cause it to appear that “constitutional protections . . . vary based on how each State has chosen to” legislate. Lange v. California, 594 U. S. 295, 332 (2021) (ROBERTS, C. J., joined by ALITO, J., concurring in judgment) (emphasis added). But in such circumstances, what differs is the application; the meaning of the constitutional provision itself does not vary by location. See, e.g., id., at 303–308, 314 (defining the scope of an exception to the Fourth Amendment’s warrant requirement).

14 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

First of all, step one of Bruen is supposed to be an interpretive exercise focused on the text of the Constitution. 597

U. S., at 17. As such, our cases require that history play a

role. True, Bruen holds for step-one purposes that “when

the Second Amendment’s plain text covers an individual’s

conduct, the Constitution presumptively protects that conduct.” Ibid. But its analysis demonstrates that “plain text”

means text supported by historical understanding.

Specifically, Bruen relied heavily on Heller, which “demand[ed] a test rooted in the Second Amendment’s text, as

informed by history.” 597 U. S., at 19 (emphasis added).7

According to Bruen, Heller had “relied on text and history”

for “defining the character of the right . . . , suggesting the outer limits of the right, [and] assessing the constitutionality of a particular regulation.” Bruen, 597 U. S., at 22 (emphasis added). This characterization of Heller made sense,

as the main point of Heller’s analysis was to explain that

the text of the Second Amendment codified a pre-existing

right. 554 U. S., at 592. History, then, was necessary for

interpreting the text.

Bruen then derived its first step from the “test . . . set

forth in Heller.” 597 U. S., at 26. Heller indicated that it is appropriate to consider history in ascertaining the scope of

the Second Amendment right—what Bruen later adopted

as step one. 554 U. S., at 592. And step one is supposed to

have a function: It operates as a check to make sure that

7 Bruen’s many citations to Heller support this reading. When Heller

“turn[ed] first to the meaning of the Second Amendment,” 554 U. S., at 576, it looked to history. See Bruen, 597 U. S., at 20 (“In Heller, we began with a ‘textual analysis’ focused on the ‘normal and ordinary’ meaning of the Second Amendment’s language,” and, “[f]rom there, we assessed whether our initial conclusion was ‘confirmed by the historical background of the Second Amendment’ ” (quoting Heller, 554 U. S., at 576, 578, 592)). History mattered for interpreting the plain text of the Second Amendment because “ ‘it has always been widely understood that the Second Amendment . . . codified a pre-existing right.’ ” Bruen, 597 U. S., at 20 (quoting Heller, 554 U. S., at 592).

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JACKSON, J., dissenting

Second Amendment challengers demonstrate that the

Amendment actually implicates their desired conduct.

Bruen, 597 U. S., at 32 (analyzing whether the “plain text

of the Second Amendment protects [the] proposed course of

conduct”). In so doing, Bruen’s first step requires “defining

the character of the right,” which, again, Heller instructs

involves consideration of history. Bruen, 597 U. S., at 22.

Although Bruen did not conduct a historical analysis itself, that was because Bruen’s step-one “plain text” determination was obvious after Heller. In other words, the interpretive question the Bruen Court was asked to answer

required no interpretation of the text of the Amendment beyond what Heller had done. 597 U. S., at 32. Heller had

already reviewed the historical record and had essentially

concluded that the proposed course of conduct at issue in

Bruen—“carrying handguns publicly for self-defense”—was

covered by the text of the Second Amendment. Bruen, 597

U. S., at 32 (citing Heller, 554 U. S., at 592). Indeed, the

parties in Bruen did not dispute this point. 597 U. S., at 33.

Here, the parties do not agree about the meaning of the

Second Amendment, nor have our past cases established

the meaning of the Second Amendment applicable to petitioners’ proposed conduct—namely, “carrying firearms on

private property open to the public without first getting express permission from the proprietor.” Brief for Petitioners

24. So today’s step-one question is whether the Second

Amendment protects armed carry onto private property

open to the public without express consent. And that inquiry demands additional interpretation of the pre-existing

limits baked into the Second Amendment. See Heller, 554

U. S., at 576–578, 592–595.8

8 JUSTICE BARRETT thinks otherwise. She asserts that the only role of

history at step one is to “elucidat[e] how contemporaries understood the text—for example, the meaning of the phrase ‘bear Arms.’ ” Ante, at 2 (concurring opinion) (quoting United States v. Rahimi, 602 U. S. 680, 16 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

Thus, under Bruen and Heller, the Court must consult

the historical record to determine whether the plain text of

the Second Amendment was originally understood to guarantee armed carry onto private property with presumed implied consent as the default, impervious to state regulation

altering the form of that consent—i.e., the constitutional

right petitioners claim. For the reasons I have already explained in Part II–B, supra, history clearly demonstrates

that the Second Amendment has never been understood to

protect such conduct.

The Court’s sudden aversion to consulting history to inform the scope of the Second Amendment right at Bruen’s

step one is strange, to say the least. Several Members of

the majority have elsewhere opined that interpreting the

Second Amendment requires understanding the original

738–739 (2024) (BARRETT, J., concurring)). And she insists that my reasoning both misunderstands the Bruen inquiry and would lead to the disruption of other constitutional rights. Ante, at 1–4 (BARRETT, J., concurring). But this Court has said repeatedly that the Second Amendment in particular enshrined a pre-existing right. Bruen, 597 U. S., at 20 (citing Heller, 554 U. S., at 592); see also Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 737 (BARRETT, J., concurring). So, understanding any pre-existing limits on that right as codified by the Amendment’s text is an interpretive inquiry. Cf. L. Solum, Originalism and Constitutional Construction, 82 Ford. L. Rev. 453, 457 (2013) (noting the distinction in originalist theory between interpreting the words of the Constitution and construing those words to decide a legal question).

Our past cases do not answer the question of how the right to exclude— which the Framers were aware of—interacted with the Second Amendment’s pre-existing right to carry. History is needed to “elucidat[e]” (ante, at 2 (BARRETT, J., concurring) (internal quotation marks omitted)) whether the Second Amendment protects the ability to presume implied consent to carry firearms onto private property. Bruen’s second step, by contrast, uses history to address a different question: whether, if the modern regulation does impinge upon the constitutionally protected right to carry firearms, that challenged law “is consistent with the Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.” 597 U. S., at 24.

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JACKSON, J., dissenting

meaning of its text.9 Yet the majority’s newfound understanding of the first step of Bruen obliterates any need for

reference back to original meaning. All that step one now

requires is a 21st-century judge to read the text of the Second Amendment and ask herself what she thinks the words

mean. Ante, at 13–14. If she decides that the words cover

the conduct before her (perhaps by conjuring up lengthy hypotheticals chronicling imagined indignities, e.g., ante, at

14–16), then the conduct is presumptively protected by the

Second Amendment. Forget about “keep[ing] judges in

their proper lane” by “[d]iscerning . . . the original meaning of the Constitution.” Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 711 (GORSUCH,

J., concurring). Judges are now free to insert any meaning

they desire into the text of the Second Amendment and then

demand the government provide analogues to fit that interpretation. In light of the methodological choice to rely on

originalism, however, it should be insufficient to simply

9 See Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 737 (BARRETT, J., concurring) (“Because the

Court has taken an originalist approach to the Second Amendment, it is worth pausing to identify the basic premises of originalism. The theory is built on two core principles: that the meaning of constitutional text is fixed at the time of its ratification and that the discoverable historical meaning has legal significance and is authoritative in most circumstances” (internal quotation marks and alteration omitted)); id., at 716 (KAVANAUGH, J., concurring) (“Read literally, those Amendments might seem to grant absolute protection, meaning that the government could never regulate speech or guns in any way. But American law has long recognized, as a matter of original understanding and original meaning, that constitutional rights generally come with exceptions”); id., at 711 (GORSUCH, J., concurring) (“Discerning what the original meaning of the Constitution requires in this or that case may sometimes be difficult. Asking that question, however, at least keeps judges in their proper lane, seeking to honor the supreme law the people have ordained rather than substituting our will for theirs”); cf. McDonald v. Chicago, 561 U. S. 742, 828 (2010) (THOMAS, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment) (“When interpreting constitutional text, the goal is to discern the most likely public understanding of a particular provision at the time it was adopted”).

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JACKSON, J., dissenting

point to the text and say that the Second Amendment covers any firearm-related conduct. Ante, at 13–16.10

Worse, the majority’s new methodology is a one-way

ratchet: It inevitably works only to the benefit of armed

carry by removing any real burden of proof on gun owners

at step one. The majority simply equates the ability to carry

a gun with the right to carry anywhere and everywhere.

Ante, at 14. Because of that, it then assumes that any impediment to carrying qualifies as a burden on the right.

Ante, at 14, 16. The upshot of the majority’s view of Bruen’s

first step is thus that any law that regulates the carrying of firearms is presumptively unconstitutional. But under this

Court’s precedents, assessing whether conduct falls within

the right protected by the Second Amendment requires

more than breezily asserting that the restricted conduct involves carrying a firearm.

Ultimately, the majority spills much ink arguing that the

Bruen test is “disciplined” but, conveniently, “not mechanical.” Ante, at 8. As it turns out, “not mechanical” is a gross understatement. Bruen becomes boundless once the majority abandons its chosen methodology, and the Court ends

up with a more protective Second Amendment than the

Framers understood themselves to be adopting. If

10 This is not to say that more originalism is the antidote to an unconstrained Judiciary. I am doubtful that originalism can be done right in any event because it is too easy for judges to selectively oversimplify the past, either when choosing examples or when drawing inferences from the historical record. Indeed, a “flawed” “historical account” is what started the doctrinal mess we find ourselves in today. See McDonald, 561 U. S., at 914 (Breyer, J., dissenting) (suggesting that Heller was wrongly decided in part based on poorly conceived historical analysis). The plot now thickens, for even selectivity when reviewing the historical record cannot get the majority to its desired result at step one. So the majority jettisons history here, confining its use to step two and freeing courts from the constraints that even an oversimplified understanding of the history might provide when interpreting the “plain text” of the Second Amendment.

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JACKSON, J., dissenting

originalist principles and our Second Amendment case law

were consistently applied, however, there would be little

doubt that Hawaii prevails at step one. The Second Amendment’s plain text, informed by history, simply does not protect a right to go armed onto private property without the

property owner’s express consent.11

III

Even if the majority were correct about how step one

cashes out, Hawaii has carried the step-two burden of showing that its regulation is consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation. Bruen, 597 U. S., at

24. Bruen’s second step requires courts to “ascertain

whether the new law is ‘relevantly similar’ to laws that our

tradition is understood to permit.” Rahimi, 602 U. S., at

692 (quoting Bruen, 597 U. S., at 29). “Why and how the

regulation burdens the right are central to this inquiry.”

Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 692. There is no requirement that a

State produce a “ ‘dead ringer’ ” or a “ ‘historical twin.’ ” Ibid. (quoting Bruen, 597 U. S., at 30). Instead, “ ‘the appropriate analysis involves considering whether the challenged regulation is consistent with the principles that underpin our

regulatory tradition.’ ” United States v. Hemani, 608 U. S.

___, ___ (2026) (slip op., at 4) (quoting Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 692; emphasis added).

The analogues cited by Hawaii clearly establish that legislatures historically required affirmative consent for

11 The majority maintains that this framing is incorrect “because

States may not adopt property-law rules that violate constitutional rights.” Ante, at 18, n. 13. I agree, of course, that States cannot alter constitutional rights. But today’s dispute is not a matter of Hawaii altering the Constitution. Rather, the scope of the right to carry per the Second Amendment is and always has been limited by property interests (the right to exclude). Heller was crystal clear that the Second Amendment adopted a pre-existing right, 554 U. S., at 592, and that right was limited by a similarly pre-existing, well-established, and currently accepted property right—not the other way around.

20 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

carrying a firearm onto private property—the same “how”

as §134–9.5. And they did so to protect property owners’

interests in response to concerns related to unauthorized

armed entry—the same “why” as §134–9.5.

A

Hawaii cites a combination of founding-era and

Reconstruction-era laws. From those analogues, a principle

plainly emerges: States routinely required affirmative consent for armed carry onto private property to vindicate the

rights of property owners, including the right to exclude,

and to prevent real-world harms arising from unauthorized

armed carry.

To start, the “how” maps on perfectly to Hawaii’s law: Hawaii’s historical analogues operated by requiring those

wishing to carry a gun onto private property to get express

consent from the owner. For example, a 1771 New Jersey

law provided that a person could not “carry any gun on any

lands not his own, and for which the owner pays taxes, or is

in his lawful possession, unless he hath license or permission in writing from the owner or owners, or legal possessor.” 1771 N. J. Laws 26 (emphasis added). And New Jersey was not alone in requiring express consent: Multiple

other States likewise required affirmative consent before

visitors could carry firearms onto the private property of

another, both at the time of the founding and during Reconstruction. See, e.g., 1721 Pa. Acts, §3, at 255 (requiring “license or permission from the owner” to “carry any gun or

hunt on the improved or inclosed lands of any plantation

other than his own”); Act of Dec. 20, 1763, ch. 1233, §1, in 1 Laws of New-York, from the Year 1691, to 1773 inclusive,

p. 442 (1774) (1763 NY Act) (criminalizing “carry[ing] . . .

any Musket, Fowling-Piece, or other Fire-Arm whatsoever,

into, upon, or through” certain enclosed lands “without Licence in Writing”); 1865 La. Acts, No. 10, §1, at 14 (“[I]t

shall not be lawful for any person or persons to carry fireCite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 21

JACKSON, J., dissenting

arms on the premises or plantations of any citizen, without

the consent of the owner or proprietor”); 1866 Tex. Laws

1321, §1 (same); Act of Jan. 15, 1866, 1865 Fla. Acts and

Resolutions §19, p. 27 (1865 Fla. Acts) (making it unlawful

“for any person to hunt or range with a gun within the enclosed land or premises of another without the permission

of the owner”).

Some of those laws did not extend to all private property

in the State. But a significant number applied to the type

of property at issue here: private property open to the public. The New Jersey law, for example, applied to “any lands

not [the trespasser’s] own, and for which the owner pays

taxes, or is in his lawful possession.” 1771 N. J. Laws 26.

That would necessarily have encompassed private property

open to the public, including the type of locations to which

Hawaii’s law applies. See Decl. of H. Hartog ¶¶ 32, 34 in

Koons v. Platkin, No. 1:22–cv–7464 (D NJ, Feb. 13, 2023),

ECF No. 84 (noting that New Jersey’s law would have applied to “all varieties of real property, including the typical ‘businesses’ of the times”: “taverns, leathersmiths and

blacksmiths, pharmacies, seed stores, and merchants who

bought and sold livestock”).

Even laws that do not appear on their face to apply to

private property open to the public are, after some inquiry,

akin to Hawaii’s regulation. Pennsylvania’s law applied to

“the improved or inclosed lands of any plantation other

than [the trespasser’s] own.” 1721 Pa. Acts, §3, at 255. And

several Reconstruction-era laws applied to “the premises or

plantations of any citizen.” 1865 La. Acts, No. 10, §1, at 14; see 1866 Tex. Laws 1321, §1; 1865 Fla. Acts, §19, at 27. As

Hawaii explains, “improv’d or inclosed Lands” and “premises or plantations” exempted undeveloped and unfenced

land but still included much of the private property open to

the public. Brief for Respondent 31, 33–35 (internal quotation marks omitted); see also Brief for Professors of Property Law as Amici Curiae 26.

22 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

As for the “why”: These historical analogues were intended to vindicate property rights and to address a range

of concerns associated with violations of those rights by

armed individuals on private land. The laws protected

property owners’ right to exclude by requiring that visitors

seek “license or permission” before they were permitted to

carry a gun onto private property. 1771 N. J. Laws 26; 1721

Pa. Acts, §3, at 255. And even an anti-poaching focus aimed

to protect property rights by preserving the game on the

property for the owner or the owner’s licensees. See Brady,

78 Stan. L. Rev. Online, at 165.

Beyond property rights, the broader animating regulatory principles included limiting armed trespass, property

theft or damage, and gun violence, whether intentional or

accidental. See 1721 Pa. Acts, §3 (preamble), at 255 (targeting “divers[e] abuses, damages and inconveniencies” related to unauthorized armed carry, i.e., “carrying guns and

presuming to hunt on other people’s lands” (emphasis

added)); 1722 N. J. Laws 101 (similar). For example, the

colony of New York, which in 1763 passed a law applying to

“Orchard[s], Garden[s], Corn-Field[s], or other inclosed

Land whatsoever,” found that the unauthorized carrying of

firearms was leading to a number of issues, including creating “great Danger of the Lives of his Majesty’s Subjects,

the Ruin and Destruction of the most valuable Improvements, the grievous Injury of the Proprietors, and the great

Discouragement of their Industry.” 1763 NY Act 441–442.

New York had reason to be concerned. Historically,

poaching was dangerous to people and property. Stray gunshots injured and even killed people. See Brady, 78 Stan.

L. Rev. Online, at 167–168. And poachers were known for

“strik[ing] back with deadly force when cornered.” T. Lund,

American Wildlife Law 30 (1980). Not only was poaching

dangerous to bystanders and property owners, but the tactics used by hunters—including creating fires and leaving

carcasses to rot—caused property damage. Id., at 32. In

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 23

JACKSON, J., dissenting

the face of such threats and given the difficulty of policing

poaching, historical legislatures likely used all the tools

they could muster to decrease the harms related to poaching and reasonably decided that property owners should at

least be on notice before accepting the risk of these harms.

These historical analogues suffice to demonstrate a tradition of state regulation within which Hawaii’s law fits

comfortably. Like Hawaii’s, these laws required consent for

armed entry onto private property open to the public. And

like Hawaii’s, they did so to protect property owners’ rights

and to prevent the harms that generally accompanied unauthorized armed entry onto private land.

B

At step two, the majority again misapprehends this

Court’s precedents. It observes that many of the analogues

discuss unauthorized hunting—and goes no further, essentially requiring a “dead ringer” for Hawaii’s law. Ante, at

19–22. But Rahimi demands more effort. The lack of an

exact match cannot be dispositive; instead, the majority

should have searched for the animating principles in Hawaii’s analogues. 602 U. S., at 691.12 The majority’s arguments for why Hawaii’s analogues are insufficient do not

follow from Rahimi’s reasoning.

First, the majority insists that the “why” is different because the historical laws targeted poaching. In the

12 What do I mean by “principles”? The majority assesses the analogues at the lowest level of generality: It looks to their texts and determines that these laws were targeted at hunting. But Rahimi instructs that the relevant “why” is not necessarily the “why” that is immediately apparent on the face of the law; the analogue need not be a “precis[e] match.” 602 U. S., at 692. Looking for a principle requires searching for whether the analogues were instituted “for similar reasons.” Ibid. That often requires going up a level of generality to understand the broader problem that a legislature chose to attack. In other words, “ ‘[a]nalogical reasoning’ under Bruen demands a wider lens: Historical regulations reveal a principle, not a mold.” Id., at 740 (BARRETT, J., concurring). 24 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

majority’s view, the “obvious aim” of Hawaii’s founding-era

analogues “was to prevent the distinctive harms and risks

associated with unauthorized hunting.” Ante, at 21; see

ante, at 21–22 (noting further that the laws targeted conduct that “entailed the theft of private property” and “the

firing of guns”).

But to set the principle of Hawaii’s analogues at “poaching” is to demand a historical twin insofar as it requires the modern legislature to target an identical problem as legislatures in the past. Such a narrow search results in a “law

trapped in amber.” Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 691. Seen at the

correct level of generality, however—i.e., one that does not

put the modern legislature into a “regulatory straightjacket,” Bruen, 597 U. S., at 30—historical laws targeting

poaching are also appropriately viewed as being aimed at

protecting the property rights of landowners from the

harms of unauthorized armed carry on their property. Hawaii’s law does the same.

The majority is likewise mistaken in maintaining that

Hawaii’s law is not “relevantly similar” to its proffered analogues because Hawaii does not restrict conduct that produces effects similar to poaching. Ante, at 21–22 (internal

quotation marks omitted). It asserts—without evidence—

that this is true because “[o]thers on the premises will not

even notice a person peacefully carrying a concealed

weapon in the manner demanded by Hawaiian law.” Ante,

at 22. That is sheer speculation. It also misses the point.

The step-two question is not whether the most anodyne version of the conduct that the modern law targets would produce the same effects as the harms highlighted in the historical laws. Rather, we ask whether the analogues and the

modern law target “ ‘relevantly similar’ ” issues. Rahimi,

602 U. S., at 692. Here the answer is clearly yes: Both the

analogues and §134–9.5 aim to fortify landowners’ right to

exclude and protect their interests from the effects of unauthorized armed carry on their private property.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 25

JACKSON, J., dissenting

What is more, these historical analogues obviously had

purposes beyond poaching. For example, New Jersey first

enacted in 1722, and then repeatedly reenacted, a law that

banned “trespassing with guns” along with a prohibition on

“presum[ing] . . . to hunt . . . on any lands not [the trespasser’s] own.” 1771 N. J. Laws 26, 29; 1722 N. J. Laws

101. In other words, regulating hunting was only one of the

law’s objectives. Several Reconstruction-era laws more

generally “prohibit[ed] the carrying of fire-arms,” without

any mention of game. 1865 La. Acts, No. 10; see also 1866

Tex. Laws 1321, §1 (same). And even for those laws that

did not so clearly apply beyond hunting, the “why” was nevertheless broader than harms directly related to poaching.

Such laws barred unauthorized possession on “enclosed

land or premises of another” (which, as I note above, included businesses), so their “why” encompassed more than

stopping the taking of game or destruction of property. See,

e.g., 1865 Fla. Acts, §19, at 27. It would be odd for a statute that sought only to prevent poaching to include businesses.

The majority also rejects Hawaii’s analogues based on the

contention that the “coverage” of the historical laws “differed sharply from that of the Hawaii law now before us.”

Ante, at 21. The analogues, the majority says, applied only

“where game could be found.” Ibid. But as I have already

explained, several of the historical laws applied to “premises,” so they covered more than merely those places where

wild animals roamed.

In the end, the majority simply refuses to acknowledge

that the principles underlying these historical regulations

are indistinguishable from the principles underlying Hawaii’s. But there is a long historical tradition of States requiring those wishing to carry firearms onto private property to seek the express permission of the property owner

and doing so for similar reasons as Hawaii. And if judges

may nonetheless reject this lengthy track record because

the risks from unauthorized carry were primarily related to

26 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

hunting in the 18th and 19th centuries—as the majority

does—no one can seriously claim that the Bruen test actually constrains judicial discretion.

To the contrary, the majority’s analysis demonstrates

that, under Bruen, a judge can always choose to invalidate

a modern regulation, so long as the judge points to some

distinction between the modern regulation and the historical examples (really, any difference at all, no matter how

small or irrelevant). Judges still have plenty of discretion

left to exercise. And the unfortunate reality is that, regardless of the historical record, the will of the State’s legislature, or the needs of the local community, Bruen’s historical

inquiry almost always “cabins” judicial discretion in only

one direction: stymieing legislative efforts to restrict guns.13

C

Finally, a note regarding the majority’s step-two discussion of Hawaii’s effort to use a Black Code (namely, Louisiana’s 1865 law) as a historical analogue. The majority says

13 Like the majority, JUSTICE BARRETT concludes that Hawaii’s law is

not “relevantly similar” to the historical analogues Hawaii proffers. Ante, at 4–13 (concurring opinion). But, as my discussion shows, whether historical laws are “relevantly similar” to modern ones depends on how the laws are characterized—which the Court controls. For example, JUSTICE BARRETT ignores what Hawaii says about the “why” of its own law: that its aim was to “respec[t] the right of private individuals and entities to choose for themselves whether to allow or restrict the carrying of firearms on their property.” 2023 Haw. Sess. Laws 114. Instead, she assigns to Hawaii a different “why.” Ante, at 4–5, 9 (asserting that Hawaii enacted its law to keep people from carrying guns in spaces open to the public). JUSTICE BARRETT further reasons that that “why” is not sufficiently similar to the historical analogues because the founding-era laws had another purpose. Ante, at 8–9 (maintaining that the historical laws were aimed at preventing the “particular abuse of firearms” related to poaching in “specific places”). But, of course, if Bruen allows reviewing courts to reject the “why” proffered by the modern legislature (as it apparently does), then its test becomes a shell game. Courts can always find a different way to frame the founding-era laws—or the modern one— so that the contested regulation can never meet the mark.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 27

JACKSON, J., dissenting

that the idea of such a law contributing to “the original understanding of the right to keep and bear arms cannot be

taken seriously” “[u]nless we put history entirely out of our

minds.” Ante, at 24. By “history” it presumably means

America’s long and tortured past of racial discrimination

and violence. But this reasoning provides yet another example of the majority straying from its supposedly disciplined test.

The Black Codes were a series of “harsh and restrictive”

laws that Southern legislatures enacted in the wake of the

Civil War to control former slaves. D. Nieman, To Set the

Law in Motion: The Freedmen’s Bureau and the Legal

Rights of Blacks, 1865–1868, p. 72 (1979). These laws were

a “legal means of subordinating” the newly freed Black population. E. Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished

Revolution, 1863–1877, p. 198 (1988). The Black Codes impacted nearly every aspect of life for freedmen in the South

“[v]irtually from the moment the Civil War ended.” Id., at

198–203. As relevant here, this included whether freedmen

could carry firearms. Id., at 203–204. Indeed, as my colleagues have previously explained, laws that restricted the

ownership and possession of guns as part of the Black

Codes made life dangerous for millions of Black people in

the South for over a century. See McDonald v. Chicago, 561

U. S. 742, 846–850 (2010) (THOMAS, J., concurring) (discussing the impact of the Black Codes on freed Blacks); see

also id., at 770–778.

Given the Court’s commitment to elevating the history

and tradition of firearm use and regulation when deciding

Second Amendment challenges, the idea that courts must

categorically exclude historical laws that restricted Black

people from possessing firearms (not unlike the categorical

exclusion of the people who were historically bound by those

laws) warrants further scrutiny.

As I see it, there are two potential reasons to use—or exclude—the Black Codes in Bruen’s history-and-tradition

28 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

test. First, it could be that the Black Codes regulated guns

consistent with the Second Amendment but States chose to

exercise their regulatory authority in a discriminatory fashion. See I. Bartrum, Structural Originalism: A Second

Amendment Case Study, 27 U. Pa. J. Const. L. 846, 902–

907 (2025) (explaining that the Black Codes were understood to be a discriminatory application of permissible regulations on the right to armed self-defense). Under this

framing, those gun regulations are not examples of an unconstitutional abridgment of the right to bear arms, but rather exemplify a violation of a different constitutional

Amendment—the Fourteenth. Alternatively, it could be

that States did not have the constitutional authority under

the Second Amendment to enact such regulations but did

so anyway for discriminatory reasons. Under that framing,

not only did the States violate the Constitution by acting on

the basis of race; they also violated the right to bear arms.

Only the second set of circumstances justifies removing

these laws (and the experiences of those they targeted) from

the body of evidence that determines the historical reach of

the Second Amendment under Bruen.14 So, it might well be

that the Black Codes are invalid inputs for Bruen’s test, but

only if they violated the Second Amendment—which may

or may not be the case.15

14 Though the majority eschews this distinction here, in other contexts,

certain of my colleagues have engaged in a similar analysis, concluding that discriminatory laws might still bear on the Court’s considerations of constitutional questions. See, e.g., Ramos v. Louisiana, 590 U. S. 83, 141–142 (2020) (ALITO, J., dissenting) (“If Louisiana and Oregon originally adopted their laws allowing non-unanimous verdicts for . . . reasons” related to “[r]acism, white supremacy, [and] the Ku Klux Klan,” “that is deplorable, but what does that have to do with the broad constitutional question before us? The answer is: nothing”).

15 This type of nuanced analysis is important, for it values the historical experiences of Black people as targets of invidious race discrimination and ensures that they are not (here again) excluded from the

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 29

JACKSON, J., dissenting

The Court bypasses any meaningful analysis of whether

Louisiana’s law comported with, or abridged, historical understandings of the right to carry (as opposed to the right

to carry equally). Instead, it cuts Black Codes out of this

country’s tradition categorically and completely, as if the

majority does not see, or understand, the implications of

making this excision. And the majority’s exclusion operates

indiscriminately and without clear definition. If the point

of taking the Black Codes out of the equation is that they

are not a valid part of our Nation’s historical tradition, then the Court must provide guidelines on how to determine the

type of history that can be considered to ensure that this

inquiry does not become a free pass to quick invalidation.16

Here, Hawaii has presented evidence that, even though

the relevant gun restriction was a Black Code, it violated

the Fourteenth Amendment but not the Second—evidence

the majority ignores. For example, when General Sickles

announced the end of South Carolina’s laws prohibiting gun

possession by Black people in 1866, he declared: “The constitutional rights of all loyal and well-disposed inhabitants

to bear arms will not be infringed.” D. Sickles, General

constitutional baseline that Bruen purports to draw. Cf. R. Siegel, How “History and Tradition” Perpetuates Inequality: Dobbs on Abortion’s Nineteenth-Century Criminalization, 60 Houston L. Rev. 901, 906 (2023) (noting that looking solely to history and tradition “elevate[s] the significance of laws adopted at a time when women and people of color were judged unfit to participate and treated accordingly by constitutional law, common law, and positive law”).

16 By this I mean that the majority must explain how one is to go about

accurately identifying such a verboten law. For facially neutral Black Codes, should courts consult legislative history to understand what the legislature was trying to do? How much racial motivation is too much? What about laws that were facially neutral and passed for seemingly neutral reasons, but were enforced discriminatorily? And finally, does only racial animus matter? What do we do about other types of animus? For example, consider the use of statutes that were prejudiced against Catholics. See Kanter v. Barr, 919 F. 3d 437, 457 (CA7 2019) (Barrett, J., dissenting). Does it offend history to use those?

30 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

Order No. 1 in A Handbook of Politics for 1868, p. 37 (E.

McPherson ed. 1868). But he did not consider laws requiring express consent for armed entry—even those enacted as

part of the Black Codes—among the laws that had offended

the Second Amendment. Rather, in his view, no person (of

any race) had the right to carry a firearm onto private land

without consent. Ibid. In this same way, it appears that

the Louisiana analogue on which Hawaii relies was unconstitutional, but perhaps not for the reason that would allow

the majority to ignore it as evidence of the historical limits of the Second Amendment.17

Confronting the origins of these laws is certainly uncomfortable. The Black Codes were ugly. And racist. And deplorable. Even now, long after their abolishment and the

end of the Jim Crow era, Black Americans are still saddled

with the ramifications of centuries of legally authorized

17 JUSTICE BARRETT’s helpful recounting of the historical circumstances

surrounding Louisiana’s law proves the point. Louisiana’s law and Hawaii’s other analogues have the same basic “why” insofar as they were all enacted to protect property rights and to prevent the harms that can follow from unauthorized armed entry, including harms from poaching. These laws were also facially identical.

As JUSTICE BARRETT sees it, the difference between Louisiana’s law and those of the other states was Louisiana’s discriminatory intent: Louisiana enacted its anti-poaching law with the illicit motive of keeping freedmen from being able to hunt and thereby sustain themselves. Ante, at 11–12, 13, n. 10 (concurring opinion). But even if that makes Louisiana’s “why” relevantly different, this seems to be a Fourteenth Amendment problem, not a Second Amendment one. Louisiana’s historical consent-to-carry law was identical to the consent-to-carry laws of other States, and all were enacted to prevent poaching and other related harms. That Louisiana’s Legislature had a discriminatory intent when it chose to subject only former slaves to this restriction should be neither here nor there for Bruen purposes. There is no clear Second Amendmentbased explanation for why Louisiana’s decision to exercise the same power other states had used for the same reason—i.e., to prevent poaching and the effects of poaching, including theft of game (admittedly in a racially discriminatory manner on Louisiana’s part)—does not count when assessing what the Second Amendment permits under Bruen.

Cite as: 609 U. S. ____ (2026) 31

JACKSON, J., dissenting

exclusion, notwithstanding the much-heralded arrival of

“colorblindness.” See Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v.

President and Fellows of Harvard College, 600 U. S. 181,

409–411 (2023) (JACKSON, J., dissenting).

But the characteristics that make the Black Codes detestable do not automatically render these laws irrelevant to a

fair assessment of the right to carry firearms, especially

given how the Court assesses that right. The Court has decided to use history as the metric, and these laws are part

of our Nation’s history. So the Court must make an actual

assessment of the relevance of what the historical record

reveals. To be sure, it would certainly be most convenient

for all concerned to skip past the nuance and ignore these

painful realities. But choices have consequences: Where

the Court has opted to tether its Second Amendment

analysis to facts about America’s past, it must contend with

our Nation’s entire history, warts and all.

To do otherwise calls into question the legitimacy of the

Court’s endeavor to rely solely on historical guidance. It

deepens race-based wounds, by classifying the experiences

of those who have been historically excluded as categorically irrelevant. It empowers the Judiciary, by allowing the

Court to cavalierly pick and choose which parts of the historical record count. And it exposes flaws in the test this

Court has crafted—demonstrating, once again, that the discretion to cull the history lies with the Court and seems to

operate in service of a single goal: preventing the government from responding to issues arising from the possession

of firearms.

To be clear, I am not suggesting that courts must accept

Black Codes as historical analogues. My point is merely

that the Court cannot have it both ways. Either history

does matter, and if so, all potentially relevant historical experiences must be thoroughly examined to determine

whether they reflect our Nation’s history and tradition of

firearm regulation. Or, it does not, and the Court should

32 WOLFORD v. LOPEZ

JACKSON, J., dissenting

just admit that the test it has created is boundless, allowing it to accept or excise any historical analogue it chooses for

any reason it prefers.

* * *

In my view, our adoption of the Bruen test was a grave

mistake. See, e.g., Rahimi, 602 U. S., at 740–747 (JACKSON,

J., concurring); Hemani, 608 U. S., at ___ (same). But to the

extent the Court has embraced this test, surely it cannot

shirk responsibility for adhering to Bruen’s tenets, whatever the result.

Today, the majority fails to faithfully apply its own jurisprudence. It alters the Bruen test and overrides Hawaii’s

considered—and in my view, constitutionally sound—judgment that the property interests of its residents should be

protected against unauthorized armed entry. For the reasons I have explained, Hawaii’s law is an exercise of state

regulatory power that has historically sounded in property

law, not the Second Amendment. And it is also entirely

consistent with a lengthy historical tradition of States enacting similar restrictions for exactly this reason.

Yet, the majority concludes that Bruen requires striking

down Hawaii’s law as unconstitutional. From this day forward, it will be difficult to view Bruen as anything more

than a fig leaf. While purporting to constrain judges, the

majority has unmasked the discretionary choices that lie

beneath the Court’s decisions regarding which analogues

are “vastly different,” ante, at 19, and whose historical experiences are worthy of inclusion. Of course, the real irony

is that the Court’s effort to rein in judicial discretion has

resulted in an arbitrary rule that unleashes judges to

thwart gun regulation at every turn.