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The Florida Bar v. Christopher W. Crowley

2026-07-09

Authorities cited

Opinion

majority opinion

Supreme Court of Florida

No. SC2020-0529

THE FLORIDA BAR,

Complainant,

vs.

CHRISTOPHER W. CROWLEY,

Respondent.

July 9, 2026

GROSSHANS, J.

The Rules Regulating The Florida Bar restrict what lawyers

may say about certain candidates running for elected office,

including those in nonpartisan judicial races and those seeking

partisan positions. See R. Regulating Fla. Bar 4-8.2. The Florida

Bar alleged that Christopher W. Crowley violated this rule when he

criticized a fellow candidate vying for the position of state attorney.

Agreeing with the Bar’s position, the referee recommends that we

find Crowley’s speech to be in violation of the rule and suspend him

from the practice of law for sixty days. Crowley challenges those recommendations, arguing that his speech is protected under the

First Amendment to the United States Constitution. We agree with

Crowley and hold that under existing United States Supreme Court

precedent the application of rule 4-8.2(a) to the particular speech at

issue in this case is unconstitutional.1

I

In 2017, Crowley ran for the Office of State Attorney in the

Twentieth Judicial Circuit. Also running for this post was thenChief Assistant State Attorney Amira Fox. During the course of the

campaign, Crowley made numerous remarks about Fox’s

qualifications and integrity that the Bar alleges are in violation of its

rules.

For example, Crowley claimed that Fox had a low conviction

rate and attributed to Fox the failure of the State Attorney’s Office

to obtain convictions in two cases. He also accused Fox of

improperly interfering with a grand jury.

In another set of remarks, Crowley alleged that Fox was

involved in the decision to arrest him for campaign-related

1. We have jurisdiction. See art. V, § 15, Fla. Const.

-2-misconduct. Leading up to the election, Crowley was arrested after

being charged with two felonies relating to improper conduct at a

campaign event. 2 In response, Crowley accused Fox of

orchestrating his arrest. He reiterated these allegations numerous

times. 3 Crowley also accused Fox of having ties to a pro-Palestinian

organization.

When these statements, and others, came to the Bar’s

attention, it filed a complaint against Crowley, alleging that he

violated rules 4-8.2(a) (forbidding improper impugning of a

candidate for election to legal office), 4-8.4(a) (prohibiting conduct

that violates the rules of professional conduct), and 4-8.4(d)

(prohibiting conduct prejudicial to the administration of justice). 4

2. Although the initial complaint about Crowley’s behavior was filed in the Twentieth Judicial Circuit, the governor transferred the investigation to the Tenth Judicial Circuit, which is the circuit that eventually charged Crowley.

3. Crowley later admitted his conduct at the campaign event was unlawful.

4. The complaint included a second charge based on an unrelated interaction between Crowley, an assistant state attorney, and the assistant state attorney’s supervisor. The referee recommended that Crowley be found not guilty on this count, and the Bar does not seek review of the recommendation. We do not discuss this charge further.

-3-According to the Bar, Crowley violated rule 4-8.2(a) because he

made the above statements either knowing they were false or with

reckless disregard as to their truth, and the statements concerned

Fox’s qualifications or integrity.

The referee held an evidentiary hearing on the Bar’s charges,

at which the Bar called several witnesses and introduced

documentary evidence. Upon consideration of the evidence and the

parties’ arguments, the referee recommended that Crowley be

adjudicated guilty for violating rules 4-8.2(a) and 3-4.3. 5 Notably,

the referee found proof that Crowley made the statements with the

requisite mental state and that the subject of the statements was

Fox’s qualifications or integrity. However, the referee recommended

that Crowley not be found guilty of violating rule 4-8.4(a) or 4-8.4(d). As a penalty for violating rules 4-8.2(a) and 3-4.3, the

referee recommended a sixty-day suspension.

5. Rule 3-4.3 states in pertinent part that “[t]he commission by a lawyer of any act that is unlawful or contrary to honesty and justice may constitute a cause for discipline whether the act is committed in the course of the lawyer’s relations as a lawyer or otherwise.” R. Regulating Fla. Bar 3-4.3. Although not initially charged by the Bar, this rule was raised in the course of the proceeding.

-4-Before this Court, Crowley and the Bar both challenge aspects

of the referee’s report. Crowley claims that the referee erred in its

recommendation as to rules 4-8.2(a) and 3-4.3, and the Bar

challenges the recommendation as to both subdivisions of rule 4-8.4. We first address Crowley’s challenge.

II

Crowley’s chief argument is that the referee’s

recommendations related to rule 4-8.2(a) cannot be sustained, even

if supported by competent, substantial evidence. 6 This is so,

Crowley tells us, because disciplining him for his challenged

statements would abridge his First Amendment right to engage in

political speech during an election campaign. 7 We agree.

Before examining relevant background principles, we discuss

the specific rule at issue, which reads as follows:

A lawyer shall not make a statement that the lawyer

knows to be false or with reckless disregard as to its

6. Crowley does not deny making the allegations in question or dispute that the statements were directed at Fox’s qualifications or integrity.

7. The parties have not presented argument about the scope and meaning of article I, section 4 of the Florida Constitution. Accordingly, our discussion is limited to the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

-5-truth or falsity concerning the qualifications or integrity

of a judge, mediator, arbitrator, adjudicatory officer,

public legal officer, juror or member of the venire, or

candidate for election or appointment to judicial or legal

office.

R. Regulating Fla. Bar 4-8.2(a).

Several observations are readily apparent from the text of the

rule. One, the rule applies to “statements”—something that, as

conceded by the Bar, qualifies as speech under the First

Amendment. Two, the rule’s application depends on what the

lawyer says, making it a content-based restriction. For example,

the rule does not apply if a lawyer comments on something other

than the “qualifications or integrity” of certain officers or

candidates. And three, in certain situations (as in this case), the

rule restricts speech by lawyers about those holding or running for

political, partisan offices. With these preliminary observations in

mind, we now consider Crowley’s as-applied constitutional

challenge.

A

The First Amendment prohibits government action that

“abridg[es] the freedom of speech.” Amend. I, U.S. Const.; see also

Free Speech Coal., Inc. v. Paxton, 606 U.S. 461, 470 (2025) (noting

-6-that the First Amendment “applies to the States through the

Fourteenth Amendment”).

Because sovereignty resides with the people, the First

Amendment safeguards against the government’s exercise of

“censorial power.” 4 Annals of Congress 934 (1794) (Statement of

James Madison) (noting that in a republican form of government,

“the censorial power is in the people over the Government, and not

in the Government over the people”). Moreover, the First

Amendment’s free speech guarantee provides the people, as

sovereigns, with an avenue to secure every other retained right. See

James Madison, Virginia Resolutions of 1798 in 4 Debates in the

Several State Conventions 529 (Jonathan Elliot ed. 1863)

(describing the “right of freely examining public characters and

measures, and of free communication among the people thereon,”

as “the only effectual guardian of every other right”).

Consistent with these views, “speech about public issues and

the qualifications of candidates for elected office commands the

highest level of First Amendment protection.” Williams-Yulee v. Fla.

Bar, 575 U.S. 433, 443 (2015) (citing Eu v. S.F. Cnty. Democratic

Cent. Comm., 489 U.S. 214, 223 (1989)); see also Citizens United v.

-7-Fed. Election Comm’n, 558 U.S. 310, 339 (2010) (“The First

Amendment has its fullest and most urgent application to speech

uttered during a campaign for political office.” (internal quotation

marks omitted) (quoting Eu, 489 U.S. at 223)); Fed. Election Comm’n

v. Colo. Republican Fed. Campaign Comm., 533 U.S. 431, 465-66

(2001) (Thomas, J., dissenting) (“Political speech is the primary

object of First Amendment protection, and it is the lifeblood of a

self-governing people.” (citations and internal quotation marks

omitted)); Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476, 484 (1957)

(emphasizing that freedom of expression not only advances the

truth but allows people to share their sentiments on government

and inspire change, “whereby oppressive officers are shamed or

intimidated, into more honourable and just modes of conducting

affairs” (quoting 1 Journals of the Continental Congress 108

(1774))). Indeed, James Madison acknowledged that the freedom of

political speech in particular is “indispensable” to the exercise of

voting rights. James Madison, Report on the Virginia Resolutions

in 4 Debates in the Several State Conventions 574 (Jonathan Elliot

-8-ed. 1863).8 Accordingly, the First Amendment operates, in part, “to

protect the free discussion of governmental affairs,” which “includes

discussions of candidates . . . and all such matters relating to

political processes.” Mills v. Alabama, 384 U.S. 214, 218-19 (1966).

Nevertheless, we acknowledge that the First Amendment does

not guarantee an absolute right of expression. Cf. Virginia v. Black,

538 U.S. 343, 358 (2003) (“The protections afforded by the First

Amendment, however, are not absolute . . . .”); 3 Joseph Story,

Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States § 1874

(1833) (noting that the First Amendment does not secure “an

absolute right to speak, or write, or print”). But for protected

speech (as is the case here), the First Amendment demands that

government restrictions satisfy a high level of judicial scrutiny. See

Chiles v. Salazar, 146 S. Ct. 1010, 1021-23 (2026).

8. Madison further elaborated that “[t]he value and efficacy of” the right to vote “depends on the knowledge of the comparative merits and demerits of the candidates for public trust, and on the equal freedom, consequently, of examining and discussing these merits and demerits of the candidates respectively.” Id. at 575. He went so far as to contend that without the ability “to examine, to discuss, and to ascertain” the “characters” of those running for office, people would “[n]ot [be] free” but instead would “be compelled to make their election between competitors” in ignorance. Id. at 576.

-9-B

Consistent with these First Amendment principles, we

recognize that laws, or rules like at issue here, imposing contentbased restrictions on speech must withstand an exacting level of

review. Police Dep’t of Chi. v. Mosley, 408 U.S. 92, 95 (1972)

(“[A]bove all else, the First Amendment means that government has

no power to restrict expression because of its message, its ideas, its

subject matter, or its content.” (citing Cohen v. California, 403 U.S.

15, 24 (1971))). This kind of law “target[s] speech based on its

communicative content.” Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155,

163 (2015); see also McCullen v. Coakley, 573 U.S. 464, 479 (2014)

(finding a law to be content based if one must “examine the content

of the message that is conveyed to determine whether a violation

has occurred” (internal quotation marks omitted) (quoting Fed.

Commc’ns Comm’n v. League of Women Voters of Cal., 468 U.S. 364,

383 (1984))).

“Content-based laws merit this protection because they

present, albeit sometimes in a subtler form, the same dangers as

laws that regulate speech based on viewpoint.” Reed, 576 U.S. at

174 (Alito, J., concurring). That is, limits on speech “based on its

- 10 -‘topic’ or ‘subject’ favors those who do not want to disturb the

status quo,” and such limits thereby “interfere with democratic selfgovernment and the search for truth.” Id. To protect such ends,

content-based restrictions or regulations are subject to the highest

level of scrutiny. See id. at 163 (majority opinion).

As noted above, the rule invoked by the Bar to punish

Crowley’s campaign speech is clearly content based.9 Rule 4-8.2(a)

subjects attorneys to discipline if they comment on the

qualifications or integrity of a candidate for election to a legal office

with knowledge that the comment is false or with reckless disregard

9. To the extent the Bar suggests that it can broadly regulate attorney speech because licensure is a conditional privilege, it is wrong. The First Amendment does not afford lesser protection simply because the speech is uttered by an attorney. See Nat’l Inst. of Fam. & Life Advocs. v. Becerra, 585 U.S. 755, 767 (2018) (“Speech is not unprotected merely because it is uttered by ‘professionals.’ ”); Chiles, 146 S. Ct. at 1022 (“[T]he First Amendment’s protections extend to licensed professionals much as they do to everyone else.”). It is true that attorneys in this state promise to “maintain the respect due to courts of justice and judicial officers” and pledge “civility[] not only in court, but also in all written and oral communications.” Oath of Admission to The Fla. Bar. However, the U.S. Supreme Court has made clear that “a State may not, under the guise of prohibiting professional misconduct, ignore constitutional rights.” Nat’l Ass’n for Advancement of Colored People v. Button, 371 U.S. 415, 439 (1963) (citing Schware v. Bd. of Bar Exam’rs of N.M., 353 U.S. 232 (1957)).

- 11 -as to its truth. See R. Regulating Fla. Bar 4-8.2(a). Thus, the rule’s

application depends on whether the statement concerns the

“qualifications” or “integrity” of certain office holders or candidates.

Id. The Bar had to examine the content of Crowley’s statements—

whether they concerned Fox’s qualifications or integrity—to

determine whether to charge a violation of the rule. So we know

this results in a content-based restriction of his speech.

C

We turn to whether the rule, on the specific facts presented

here, may be constitutionally enforced against Crowley. The U.S.

Supreme Court has established a framework for evaluating contentbased speech restrictions under the First Amendment—namely,

strict scrutiny. See TikTok Inc. v. Garland, 604 U.S. 56, 70 (2025).

Under this demanding standard, such laws are presumptively

unconstitutional and may be justified only if the government (here

the Bar) proves “that the restriction furthers a compelling interest

and is narrowly tailored to achieve that interest.” Reed, 576 U.S. at

171 (quoting Ariz. Free Enter. Club’s Freedom Club PAC v. Bennett,

564 U.S. 721, 734 (2011)). That burden cannot be met here.

The Bar contends that it can sanction Crowley’s speech

- 12 -because it has a compelling interest in protecting the integrity of

and maintaining public confidence in the judicial system. This

interest, according to the Bar, is sufficient to permit speech

regulations directed at state attorneys, a legal office that the Bar

identifies as falling within the scope of this rule.

We agree that the Bar’s interest in protecting the judicial

system’s integrity and maintaining public confidence in that system

is, in some contexts, compelling. Indeed, because of this interest,

an attorney’s speech in ongoing litigation can be curtailed and

punished. See Gentile v. State Bar of Nev., 501 U.S. 1030, 1071

(1991) (“It is unquestionable that in the courtroom itself, during a

judicial proceeding, whatever right to ‘free speech’ an attorney has

is extremely circumscribed.”); Fla. Bar v. Martocci, 791 So. 2d 1074,

1075, 1078 (Fla. 2001) (punishing an attorney for making

disparaging and profane remarks to humiliate the opposing party

and her attorney in a divorce proceeding). And we accept the Bar’s

argument that this interest would be sufficiently compelling to

justify certain restrictions on attorney speech that recklessly

impugns the qualifications or integrity of sitting judges. See Fla.

Bar v. Girley, 417 So. 3d 230, 238-39 (Fla. 2025); In re Shimek, 284

- 13 -So. 2d 686, 689-90 (Fla. 1973).

But here, the Bar has not carried its burden to show that the

rule’s application in this context serves a compelling interest. A

generalized concern with preserving public confidence in the

judicial system is insufficient to justify restricting vigorous, open

debate about the integrity and qualifications of candidates for this

public office. This is true even where, as here, the speech is

inaccurate, offensive, and misleading. See Snyder v. Phelps, 562

U.S. 443, 458 (2011) (“[I]n public debate [we] must tolerate

insulting, and even outrageous, speech in order to provide adequate

breathing space to the freedoms protected by the First

Amendment.” (internal quotation marks omitted) (second alteration

in original) (quoting Boos v. Barry, 485 U.S. 312, 322 (1988))). And

although the office of state attorney functions primarily within the

judicial system, the actions of its candidates do not implicate the

branch as a whole in the same manner as matters involving specific

cases or judges.

Even assuming that the Bar correctly characterizes the office

of state attorney as “quasi-judicial,” our conclusion is the same.

State attorney candidates are not seeking judicial office. Florida’s

- 14 -judicial elections are unique in their nonpartisan, apolitical nature.

See Williams-Yulee, 575 U.S. at 445 (“Judges, charged with

exercising strict neutrality and independence, cannot supplicate

campaign donors without diminishing public confidence in judicial

integrity.”). It is well settled that judges are not politicians, and “a

State’s decision to elect its judiciary does not compel it to treat

judicial candidates like campaigners for political office.” Id. at 437-38. In contrast, the office of state attorney—like that of the public

defender or attorney general—is a partisan position, markedly

different from judicial office in both its responsibilities and its

inherently political character.

Candidates for state attorney are permitted to affiliate with a

political party, receive endorsements from a political party or

partisan political organization, communicate their positions on a

variety of politically charged issues, and solicit money directly from

donors. The same cannot be said for candidates seeking judicial

office, who are subject to very different regulations. See § 105.071,

Fla. Stat. (2020) (prohibiting a judicial candidate from participating

in a wide range of political activities); § 105.09, Fla. Stat. (2020)

(prohibiting political parties and partisan political organizations

- 15 -from endorsing a judicial candidate); Fla. Code Jud. Conduct,

Canon 7A(1) (prohibiting political involvement by judicial

candidates); Fla. Code Jud. Conduct, Canon 7C (prohibiting judicial

candidates from soliciting funds, affiliating with political parties,

and expressing positions on political issues). Thus, the rules

regulating speech in judicial elections may be more restrictive than

in other types of races, especially races of a political nature.

See Williams-Yulee, 575 U.S. at 447 (acknowledging that

“precedents applying the First Amendment to political elections

have little bearing on the issues” presented by judicial elections).

Unlike judicial candidates, state attorney candidates are

politicians campaigning in a partisan race. With that distinction in

mind, the Bar has not identified a compelling interest sufficient to

justify application of rule 4-8.2(a) to races for this “legal office.” 10

Accordingly, we find the rule unconstitutional as applied to

Crowley’s political speech during his campaign for state attorney. 11

10. For the reasons discussed above, we also conclude that the Bar has not identified a compelling interest sufficient to justify applying rule 3-4.3’s broad language to political speech.

11. Because the Bar has not shown a compelling

governmental interest, we decline to address its arguments that

- 16 -We now address the Bar’s cross-appeal.

III

The Bar challenges the referee’s no-guilt recommendations as

to rules 4-8.4(a) and 4-8.4(d). We see no merit in these challenges.

Rule 4-8.4(d) prohibits a lawyer from engaging in “conduct in

connection with the practice of law that is prejudicial to the

administration of justice.” We agree with the referee that Crowley’s

campaign activities and statements were not connected with the

practice of law. See State ex rel. Fla. Bar v. Sperry, 140 So. 2d 587,

591 (Fla. 1962) (describing what constitutes the practice of law),

vacated on other grounds, 373 U.S. 379 (1963).

As for rule 4-8.4(a), “that rule is necessarily violated whenever

any other rule of professional conduct is violated.” Fla. Bar v.

Letwin, 70 So. 3d 578, 582 (Fla. 2011). Since we do not accept the

referee’s guilt recommendation regarding rule 4-8.2(a), Crowley

cannot be guilty of violating rule 4-8.4(a).

For these reasons, we reject the Bar’s challenges to the

rule 4-8.2(a) is narrowly tailored. See Ariz. Free, 564 U.S. at 748-50 (finding a restriction on political speech failed strict scrutiny after determining that a compelling interest did not exist); Republican Party of Minn. v. White, 536 U.S. 765, 777-78 (2002) (same).

- 17 -referee’s recommendation as to subdivisions (a) and (d) of rule 4-8.4.

IV

Because application of rules 4-8.2(a) and 3-4.3 to Crowley’s

campaign statements unconstitutionally infringes his First

Amendment right to freedom of speech, we reject the referee’s

recommendation that Crowley be found guilty of and punished for

violating these rules. We, however, accept the balance of the

referee’s recommendations.

It is so ordered.

COURIEL, C.J., and LABARGA, FRANCIS, and SASSO, JJ., concur. MUÑIZ, J., concurs with an opinion, in which COURIEL, C.J., and LABARGA, J., concur.

TANENBAUM, J., did not participate.

NOT FINAL UNTIL TIME EXPIRES TO FILE REHEARING MOTION AND, IF FILED, DETERMINED.

MUÑIZ, J., concurring.

Crowley does not argue that rule 4-8.2(a), as this Court has

interpreted it, applies to at least some of the statements underlying

the complaint in this case. Nor does he ask us to revisit our

precedents on the elements and application of the rule. Had

Crowley put those issues in play, it is possible we could have

- 18 -reached the same outcome without needing to resolve any First

Amendment issue. At a minimum, this case should prompt our

Court and the Bar to consider whether to amend the rule as a

matter of good government and to account for evolving First

Amendment jurisprudence. Nonetheless, given the parties’ framing

of the case, and taking our Court’s precedents on rule 4-8.2(a) as

we find them, I join the Court’s opinion in full.

COURIEL, C.J., and LABARGA, J., concur.

Original Proceeding – The Florida Bar

Joshua E. Doyle, Executive Director, Patricia Ann Toro Savitz, Staff Counsel, and Mark Lugo Mason, Bar Counsel, The Florida Bar, Tallahassee, Florida,

for Complainant

Christopher W. Crowley, Columbus, Georgia; and Scott K. Tozian of Smith, Tozian, Daniel & Davis, P.A., Tampa, Florida,

for Respondent

- 19 -